CaMP Anthropology

  • Home
  • Author Interviews
    • Author Interviews Posts
    • Books Sorted by Press
    • Books Sorted by Regions
    • Alphabetical List of Interviews
  • Celebrations
    • Page 99 of CaMP Dissertations
    • Retirement Reflections
  • Virtual Reading Group
  • Possible Research Topics
    • Animals
    • Circulation
    • Education
    • Language and Media Forms
    • Law and Language (and Media)
    • Lexicalization
    • Media Etiquette
    • New Participant Roles
    • Old Media
    • Old Participant Roles, New Media
    • Orthography
    • Rituals
  • Publishing Advice
  • Anthropologists on Fiction
  • About

Communication, Media and Performance

  • Ted Cruz Is the Zodiac Killer: A Contemporary Legend on Twitter

    March 9th, 2016

    by Kristiana Willsey

    There’s a story circulating online that Ted Cruz is the Zodiac Killer. More accurately, there’s a story that there’s a story Ted Cruz is the Zodiac Killer—the twitter-originated conspiracy theory isn’t attached to a clear canonical narrative, and like many viral sensations, it’s impossible to separate the appeal of the joke itself from the buzz surrounding it. In other words, everyone is talking about how everyone is talking about it. Type the words “Is Ted Cruz” into Google, and the traffic-driven algorithm helpfully supplies “the Zodiac Killer.”

    Undeterred by evidence that Ted Cruz was a four-year old child living in Canada at the time of the last confirmed activity of the Zodiac Killer, the story has been picking up steam for the past few months, spurred by the blithe, ironic conviction of twitter comedians.

    screengrab2screengrab3screengrab5screengrab4the dreamIt received a bump at the end of February, when activist Tim Faust began selling T-Shirts and donating the proceeds to West Fund, a non-profit that helps fund affordable abortions in El Paso, Texas.

    Cruz_tee
    Shirt design by Rory Blank

     

    In an interview with Broadly, (the female-focused branch of Vice), Faust explains, “Folks have been making “[unlikely person] is the Zodiac” jokes for a long time. (I know Letterman made one in 2002 and surely there have been more before that.) But some folks I follow on Twitter had been joking about Ted Cruz being the Zodiac Killer off and on for a few weeks, and I thought it was both interesting and plausible.”

    Faust is doing what folk artists have always done: identifying a recognizable genre of expressive culture and reinventing it, investing his new iteration with contemporary relevance and political bite. Faust contends that the virality of the story rests, not on the incongruity of its claims, but on its sneaky “plausibility.” It’s funny because it’s “unlikely,” but it’s traveling via a perceived semantic overlap of the 1960s serial killer and the affectless Republican presidential candidate. “Realistically,” Faust says, “the Ted Cruz indirect body count (by rejecting Affordable Care Act expansion, anti-choice ideology, etc) is way higher than anything the Zodiac could have dreamed.”

    Cynics might be quick to dismiss #ZodiacTed on the grounds that no one really believes it. But it isn’t belief that’s the litmus test for legend, it’s believability—a degree of ambiguity is what gives a good story legs. Rumors are circulated most aggressively not by the true believers, but by the incredulous, who spread the story as they seek to verify that it isn’t true (Dégh and Vázsonyi 1973). No story could offer better proof of Linda Dégh’s statement that “it does not necessarily change the quality of the narrative if the narrator is a nonbeliever or a defeatist who produces an anti-legend to kill the story” (Degh 2001: 311).

    Far from killing the story the legend has, characteristically, thrived on uncertainty and even irony. According to a poll conducted by Public Policy Polling (also recently in the news for their poll finding that 41% of Trump voters support bombing the fictional Disney city of Agrabah), 28% of Florida voters are “not sure” whether Ted Cruz is the Zodiac killer, while another 10% are certain that he is. Obviously there’s no way of knowing who answers a survey honestly, but sincerely or ironically, the bulk of people circulating the story are trading on its “plausibility”—it isn’t true, but it feels true. In a word Stephen Colbert coined for situations exactly like this, it’s “truthy.”

    At first glance, the meme seems a bit too skimpy, too lacking in formal narrative qualities to even qualify as a contemporary legend. We might call it rumor, which is “usually brief and does not necessarily have a narrative element […] A legend may be regarded as a solidified rumor” (Allport and Postman, in Mullen 96). But as Patrick Mullen points out, “It would be a mistake to distinguish severely between rumor and legend […] some legends become rumors and some rumors become legends,” depending on the length and detail of the performances (Mullen 96, 98).

    Instead, the joke is a one-size-fits-all narrative abstract, which individual tellers can use as a springboard or conversation starter. Contemporary legends are best understood as process rather than product, a “body to be ‘clothed’ in performance … in order to provide a vehicle for the discussion of relevant contemporary issues” (Paul Smith in Brunvand 2012). The efficiency of the six-word joke is part of what makes it so shareable, but it’s spawning ever more elaborate narrative explanations, from the simple (an image of Ted Cruz alongside Munsters actor Al Lewis, “proving” Cruz is an ageless vampire)—to the complex (a 28 page-long e-book the author describes as “terrifyingly erotic”).

    munsters
    ebook

    Snapshots of online conversations underscore the point that, whether the narration is virtual or embodied, legends are collaborative performances. The story attached to ZodiacTed isn’t a singular, static work of art, but a spontaneous, emergent dialog: “the legend is more controversial than other genres, and a true legend-telling event is not therefore the solo performance […] It is a dispute, a dialectic duel of ideas, principles, beliefs, and passions” (Degh and Vazsonyi 1978:253, also Shibutani 1966, Ellis 2001). Since belief is a continuum, we can’t discount debates about whether Ted Cruz is a time-traveling baby, the serial killer reincarnated, lizard people, or some combination of all three.

    comments
    via The Mary Sue

    Part of the story’s appeal is the impossibly fine line between ignorance and irony, a “fight fire with fire” foil to the emotionally charged, dubiously factual political rhetoric of other candidates. A recent article for the Washington Post discusses Trump’s “campaign of conspiracy theories”—birtherism, the vaccines-to-autism connection, claims of cheering crowds of Muslim Americans after 9/11—pointing out that Trump’s sincere belief in these snowballing stories is less relevant than how successfully he is using them to mobilize the anger and confusion of his fan base.

    birtherIn a world where Donald Trump’s candidacy has been called a publicity stunt, a hoax, or performance art, anything goes—if that joke came true, why shouldn’t this one? Those feeding the rumor cherish hopes of Cruz being forced to address it publically, puncturing the play frame and elevating the joke from absurdist throwaway to genuine controversy.

    the dreamLike Dan Savage’s successful campaign to take gay marriage-opposing senator Rick Santorum’s last name and turn it into one of the more visceral entries in urban dictionary, ZodiacTed’s success rests on a savvy manipulation of the ever-narrowing space between the real world and its digital record.

    I am the ZodiacIn the inevitable muddle of digital orality, some websites have already historicized parts of the legend. Fan site The Mary Sue reported, with seeming earnestness, that the hoax originated from Cruz’ inexplicable decision to title a 2013 CPAC speech, “This is the Zodiac Speaking,” which would certainly be suspect, if it were true. The commentariat was quick to jump in with corrections: the title of the speech is a now years-old twitter joke by Red Pill America, credited with starting the rumor to begin with.

    simosonsAs digital worlds become increasingly interwoven with our everyday lives, enterprising app designers offer creative fixes for re-writing your life: replace the babies in your Facebook feed with cats! Use this Chrome extension to swap the word “millenials” with “snake people!” Now, you can combat the powerful, persuasive connotations of “Trump” by changing all web-based instances of his name to “Drumpf.” Go edit IMDb and Wikipedia to reflect your new reality.

    If what you see (retweeted, remediated, always already narrativized) is what you get, you may as well do what you can to make your personal virtual world a little more surreal.

    acetkul
    Adam Savage of MythBusters, busting myths

    Kristiana Willsey has a PhD in Folklore from Indiana University, and teaches at UCLA and Otis College of Art and Design in Los Angeles.

    References

    Allport, Gordon W. and Leo Postman. 1965. The Psychology of Rumor. New York: Russell & Russell.

    Brunvand, Jan. 2012. Encyclopedia of Urban Legends, 2nd Ed. Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO.

    Dégh, Linda. 2001. Legend and Belief: Dialectics of a Folklore Genre. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

    Dégh, Linda and Andrew Vázsonyi. 1978. “The Crack on the Red Goblet or Truth and Modern Legend.” Folklore in the Modern World, ed. Richard Dorson. The Hague: Mouton.

    _______________________________________. 1973. The Dialectics of the Legend. Bloomington: Folklore Preprints Series, no. 1.6.

    Ellis, Bill. 2001. Aliens, Ghosts, and Cults: Legends We Live. Jackson: University of Mississippi Press.

    Mullen, Patrick B. 1972. “Modern Legend and Rumor Theory.” Journal of the Folklore Institute 9 (2/3): 95-109.

    Shibutani, Tomatsu. 1966. Improvised News: A Sociological Study of Rumor. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill.

  • Anthropological Methodology is the Biggest Star at the Oscars this Year

    February 25th, 2016

    Martian

    By Sarah Mitchell

    For the past few years, my husband and I have tried to see all the films nominated for the best picture Academy Award category as well as some of the other films nominated in the various categories in the annual Oscar race. It is a lot of fun to get swept up in the excitement of award season. Will the film I saw months ago get nominated like the critics said it would? Will there be any surprise nominations? Will Leonardo DiCaprio ever win that best actor award? So far this year, we have seen all the best picture nominees, the best documentary feature nominees, most of the animated picture nominees, as well as a few of the films nominated for other categories. We admittedly value some categories more than others, for instance we will likely see the films represented in the “top” categories (best feature, best director, best actor/actress), the ones they save to present at the end of the night. We don’t care as much for the best song category; maybe we’ll listen to the song from Fifty Shades of Gray, but I have no interest in the film itself. However, I love the fashion, the gossip, the questionable hosting and the general celebration/celebrity that is all part of the frivolity of the event.

    This is more than just a passing fancy for the two of us. Robert is a screenwriter and aspiring filmmaker and my own anthropological research centers on film culture from an organizational/industry perspective. Academy Awards, Golden Globes and similar prestigious awards not only translate into critical validation of a film for the filmmaker but can also mean additional revenue from box office and home entertainment sales for nominees and winners which supports thousands of cast and crew members and ancillary industries while also setting potential precedent for the production and funding of future films.

    This is what makes critiques of diversity, or the lack thereof, in the Academy and nominations all the more vital. Much of the press coverage and critique of this year’s awards ceremony has focused on the lack of racial diversity in the best/supporting actor and actress categories. This is a subject that has been taken up in a variety of ways, many focusing on the larger structural racism within the Academy and film industry.

    While I spend much of my academic energy addressing such underlying issues of the filmmaking industry, I’ve always liked to take a moment to consider the storytelling and topics of the cinematic offerings. As usual, there are many cultural aspects to consider by focusing on the feature films and not the documentaries that always provide unique insights into particular cultural subjects. A few examples in simplistic terms:

    • Brooklyn: ideas of self and identity within the mid-20th century American immigrant experience
    • The Revenant: violence and colonialism in early 19th century North America
    • Mad Max: Fury Road: gender politics in times of severe resource management in post-apocalyptic Australia

    There are also gender, racial, and other cultural issues raised in films outside of the Best Feature Film category, such as Carol, Straight Outta Compton, The Danish Girl, and Sicario.

    MadMax
    Mad Max: Fury Road also tackles the anthropocene

    And, this year, in addition to topical discussions, I was struck by the way films addressed epistemological theories and methodological approaches that are central to anthropology. Many of the Best Picture nominees, in particular, all demonstrate specific ideologies and practices in our field. (While there will be no major spoilers in the following discussion that aren’t in the wide-release trailers, I certainly recommend seeing these films to best understand the context.)

    I first started thinking about this while watching Adam McKay’s The Big Short. Depicting the 2008 US financial crisis, The Big Short becomes a basic demonstration of three different approaches to ethnographic methodology. Christian Bale’s character, Michael Burry, based on the actual financial consultant of the same name, first notes the signs of the financial crisis through extensive examination of statistical data. He argues that the same statistical signifiers that marked previous housing crises were starting to emerge here, and thus that there was a probabilistic certainty a similar downturn would occur. Mark Baum, played by Steve Carrell and based on the hedge fund manager Steve Eisman, was informed of this idea. Instead of just trusting the statistical probability, Baum sends some of his team members to Florida to conduct an in-field evaluation of the situation. Here they engage in targeted sampling while interviewing real estate agents, brokers, homeowners and lease signatories to better understand the situation. Whether it was the arrogant brokers or their metaphorical counterpart, the angry alligator in the abandoned swimming pool, the financial management team went back to Baum with a report that verified Burry’s assertion. And finally, there are the young guns of the film Charlie Gellar (played by John Magaro and based on Charlie Ledley) and Jamie Shipley (played by Finn Wittrock and based on Jamie Mai). The young investors, aided by experienced Ben Rickert (based on financial investor Ben Hocket and played by a taciturn Brad Pitt), started their investments based on the observational theory that most people don’t think bad things will happen to them so people tend to underestimate/undervalue negative futures. By creating an investment model based on this theory, they deduce their next best step is to invest against the standard theory that the housing market was indestructible. Moreover, not only have the characters approached the problem from different methodological angles, the filmmaker, Adam McKay, like a master research designer, triangulates the three groups. The audience then plays the lead surveyor, spotting the intersection of the protagonists’ work. As the film and our recent memory serves, the opportunists’ theoretical model, Mark Baum’s fieldwork and Michael Burry’s statistical analysis prove disastrously correct.

    Spotlight, a film about the Boston Globe’s investigation into widespread child abuse and sexual assault within the Catholic Church, is one of the darkest films of the bunch. Long term, embodied, holistic research is at the heart of the film, from interviews, archival work, and other investigative journalist techniques. There is also a clear moment of reflexivity when the muckraking protagonists begin to recognize a systemic problem, one that is not only actively covered by leadership in the Catholic Church but also through the explicit and implicit inaction of the entire Boston community. Early on, there is the statement that Boston, though a large metropolitan city, is in many ways a small town connected through strong religious traditions. Director Tom McCarthy does an excellent job of making this statement by ensuring that outdoor shots include laughing children and family, with a church building ubiquitously marking the landscape. And as the movie reaches its conclusion, the writers of the Globe recognize their own complicity in the cover-up, having failed to properly report early evidence. Ultimately, while they do it subtly (perhaps some would argue too subtly), both directors, Spotlight’s McCarthy and The Big Short’s McKay, draw the audience into this complicity as well. The audience is both victim of systemic abuse while also being part of this system, failing to make the changes necessary to stop it.

    BigShort

    We turn to more epistemological concerns in Ridley Scott’s The Martian and Steven Spielberg’s Bridge of Spies. In The Martian, Matt Damon’s character, Dr. Mark Watney, is stranded on Mars and must fend for himself until additional supplies and support is provided in some future scenario. It is quite the crowd-pleasing moment when he looks into the shuttle’s video log camera’s line of sight (i.e. looks directly at the viewing audience) and declares that the only strategy he has to meet the challenges of survival is: “I’m gong to have to science the shit out of this.” Over the next few hours, we watch him do just this, solving problems of food, energy, communication, and transportation through methodical application of trial and error (and actual, ahem, shit).

    Meanwhile, in Bridge of Spies, Tom Hank’s character, James B Donovan, an established, highly-reputed attorney, takes a rhetorical approach to problem-solving with the strategic use of hypotheticals in real-world, lived situations. He is introduced in a scene where he argues that the particular legal case deals with a single car accident between one car with one driver and another car with five passengers. His stance is that there is only ONE incident while his opposition argues that there is FIVE incidents. As Donovan goes on to use similar negotiation tactics in the exchange of prisoners between the US and German Democratic Republic and the Soviet Union, his hypotheticals turn into very real geopolitical situations.

    What I see in these movies is the acknowledgement of complexity and subjectivity in situated human experiences. The basic concepts of the films fall into differing classic storytelling categories of Man vs. Nature and Man vs. Man, respectively. However, both ostensibly deal with very humanistic ideas about the value of human life. How far will we go, what are we willing to sacrifice? Ultimately, Donovan argues that value cannot be measured in quantifiable units; human life is arguably invaluable. Likewise, the heads of NASA, his fellow astronauts and what seems to be the entire population of the viewing world cheer on the efforts to save Dr. Watney from Mars regardless of the expense, use of supplies, and risk of other lives.

    From one perspective, this is just another example of privilege, valuing one life over others through the excessive use of resources to save one white male (a kind of typecast for Matt Damon, who some have argued has cost the fictional US government billions to save him in movies such as this one, Interstellar and Saving Private Ryan—even more if we count the Bourne movies where he is wanted dead or alive). On the other, both films illustrate the complexity of the human condition and our willingness to persevere and sacrifice in the face of hardship and on behalf of others with the hope that those who benefit will learn and do likewise. Or as Tom Hank’s Captain Miller tells Matt Damon’s Private Ryan in a meta-movie moment, “Earn this…earn it.”

    SavingPrivateRyan

    And, from the perspective of a child, the film, Room, takes these philosophical ideas of human life and extends them to the cosmological and ontological—how we perceive the world around us. The film is about a mother and son who are held captive in a backyard shed for many years and the only way Brie Larson’s character, Joy (aka “Ma”), can create a soothing and coherent world for her young son, Jack, played by the adorable Jacob Tremblay, is by describing the room as the entirety of the real world. The “room” is real while “tv” and “sky” are only ever distant, imagined possibilities. When Joy starts to formulate an escape plan she must turn Jack’s world inside out by “unlying.” At first he fights her, refusing to believe there is anything beyond the walls he’s always known. But eventually, he starts playing the “real?/not real?” game and figures it all out. The search for the ‘truth’ follows through other films, whether it is in the insistence “We are not things!” by aptly named Capable in Mad Max: Fury Road; the vengeful determination of exposing violent actions in The Revenant; or the main character of Brooklyn coming to terms with the fact that “this is where your life is”. In Room, the audience follows the way children and people in general learn and view the limits and distances of the world around them. It is a matter of understanding contradictory and changing world views affecting cultural (mis)understanding and relativity. When mother and son escape, the son—as well as the mother—must come to terms with a much larger world than the one that they have known for so long. The audience, in turn, takes a fresh and hopeful look at their own world.

    Room

    Sarah Mitchell is a graduate student in the Anthropology Department at Indiana University. Her work focuses on Canadian film culture and the Toronto International Film Festival. She is currently steeped in the process of dissertating.

  • Is Another World Possible? The Work of Sculptor Henri Sagna

    February 16th, 2016
    "Un Autre Monde Est Possible" by Henri Sagna
    Henri Sagna. “Un autre monde est possible,” (Another World is Possible). 2012. Rubber and acrylic on wood. Henri Sagna and Raw Material Company. 318 cm x 80 cm

    by Beth Buggenhagen

    With oil prices down to their lowest point since the 1990s consumers everywhere seem to be benefiting from lower gas prices. Except in Nigeria, Africa’s top oil producer and largest economy. As consumers jostle for scarce gasoline they are not only hard pressed to afford it, but to meet many of life’s most basic necessities. How is it possible that in the country that produces a major share of the world’s oil, the cost of living vexes the majority of its population? Nigeria may be a petrostate, a major oil producer whose national budget depends on its output, but most refining operations happen outside of the world’s most populated country. So while refining operations benefit from low prices for their major input, oil, oil producing countries are hurt by lower prices for their major export. As Achille Mbembe has pointed out elsewhere, “as capital expands it does not need to absorb everything in its path…it needs to keep producing or generating an exterior.” [italics mine] How is it that oil wealth in any one country puts its citizens at the exterior of global capital? How do people grapple with the experience of exteriority?

    "Questionnements" by Henri Sagna
    Henri Sagna. “Questionnements.” 2009. Rubber and acrylic on wood. 300 cm x 400 cm

    One example can be found in the work of Dakar based sculptor, Henri Sagna. Sagna completed his studies in Fine Arts at Dakar’s Ecole Nationale des Beaux-Arts in 2005. Shortly after finishing his studies Sagna received the Premier Prix du sixième Salon national des artistes plasticiens sénégalais. Sagna works within the artistic movement of récupération that has come to be synonymous with Dakar based artists, in which artists take inspiration from discarded objects from the urban environment. In his recent body of work Sagna draws upon plywood and salvaged tires to produce three-dimensional sculptural works. The results are minimalist compositions of light and dark. The materials speak not only to perceived differences between Muslims and Christians but also to other regional confluences: the centrality of rubber to the colonization of Africa, the extractive economy of oil, the environmental devastation wrought by this industry, and the problem of waste. Sagna remarked upon his use of tires, “It is the form, it is also the material, which is black, which is derived from oil; which is a problem. But religion has also become a problem; it has brought violence, fury, spilling of blood. You get rubber from oil; you can also extract it from a tree; the oil is black, and the rubber, is black.”

    Not only has Lagos witnessed an explosive growth in Pentecostal Christianity, it is also not far from one of the worlds largest petroleum reserves in the Niger Delta being exploited by Royal Dutch Shell. The impact of this extractive economy has been strikingly documented by the photographer, George Osodi, who visited the Mathers Museum of World Cultures at Indiana University in 2013. Osodi’s visit was part of an initiative among faculty at Indiana University on New Media and Literary Initiatives.

    How do Nigerians, and Africans more generally, exist at the center of the most intensive forms of capitalist exploitation and yet are simultaneously thrust upon its exteriors excluded from the benefits of the spread of global capital? Pressed to make ends meet on a daily basis, many turn to religious leaders for guidance. The work “Questionnements” resulted from a workshop that Sagna attended in 2010 at the Center for Contemporary Art Lagos in conjunction with the Triangle Arts Trust when he was  began to notice a large number of churches as he made his way about the city.. Unlike Dakar, where churches and mosques sit in equal numbers, Sagna saw few mosques in Lagos. Curious about the nature of interfaith relations, and the turn of many Nigerians toward Pentecostal Christianity, Sagna said in our interview in Dakar in 2014 during Dak’Art, “I asked, how did that come to be? and so I cut tires into mosques and churches in the shape of a question mark.” Of this work Sagna remarked, “Churches and mosques may ask you for money, but when you ask them they may respond, ‘may God help us.”

    ValeurMarchande
    Henri Sagna. “Valeur Marchande,” (Market Value). Rubber and acrylic on wood.
    TemoinsDeNotresTemps
    Henri Sagna, “Témoins de nôtres temps,” (Witnesses to our Times). 2013. Plywood. Installation at Musée Theodore Monod de l’IFAN. Photo by Beth Buggenhagen

    Sagna has recently been selected to participate in Dak’Art 16. Dak’Art is one of the ten major biennales in the world. The Dak’Art Biennale of Contemporary African Art is an international exhibition featuring contemporary art produced by artists based on the Continent and in the Diaspora. If the second world festival of black art, known as FESTAC ’77 and located in Lagos, married “cultural tradition and fast capitalism” (according to anthropologist Andrew Apter in his book, The Pan African Nation: Oil and the Spectacle of Culture in Nigeria), then does the rise of Dak’Art and other biennials of the global south portend an unhinging of art and its commodity form? How does such an unhinging allow Dak’Art and other venues like it, such as the Center for Contemporary Art in Legos, to emerge not as a global marketplace for African art but as a space in which the artists speak to historical experience through their work? Dak’Art is a relevant venue not only for displaying contemporary art produced on and off the continent by artists with a shared historical and political consciousness, it is also the authoritative space from which African artists speak about Africa.

    The official program of Dak’Art 16 is accompanied by more than two hundred Off exhibitions in Dakar and Saint-Louis, Senegal, showing more than five hundred artists. In the 2014 iteration, Sagna’s Témoins de Nôtres Temps (2013) was installed in the salon of African sculpture at Musée Theodore Monod de l’IFAN where the work of seventeen artists was displayed under the theme of “Cultural Diversity” and curated by Massamba Mbaye. This work consists of four-sided wooden boxes etched with differing religious symbols on each side. Some are stacked and some are hanging from an invisible thread, swaying in the gentle sea breeze. Others are resting as if they had fallen into the sand covering the grounds of the museum. All are inhabiting the same space. Through this work, Sagna prompts his audience to ask: What is the value of religion, and what questions can we ask of it and of ourselves? And is another world possible?

    Beth Buggenhagen is an Associate Professor of Anthropology and African Studies at Indiana University. She is currently working on a book on the histories of African self-imaging and contemporary reinventions of the portraiture tradition in West Africa. She can be contacted at babuggen@indiana.edu. Her review of Dak’Art 14 appears in the May issue of African Arts. 

     

     

  • When Coca-Cola came to Totontepec

    December 1st, 2015


    *Official Coca-Cola video has been removed

    By Daniel Suslak

    en Español (PDF)

    Last week Coca-Cola released a Christmas-themed television commercial filmed in the Mixe community of Totontepec, in the southern Mexican state of Oaxaca. This is a place where I have worked for almost 20 years, studying the local language, which is called Ayöök. Ayöök is a member of the Mixe-Zoquean language family, a cluster of related indigenous tongues that have been spoken in southern Mexico for over three thousand years. Their contribution to our shared global vocabulary is the word cacao, the name of the tree whose seeds we use to make chocolate.

    The commercial, produced by the Ogilvy & Mather advertising agency, is a gorgeous 85 second spot that highlights the luxurious greys and greens of Totontepec’s cloud forests. Local viewers will immediately recognize the faces on the screen—this is a small community, after all, with a population of around 2,000 people. There’s Josefina, who works at the hotel! And hey, that’s the former principal of the elementary school!

    The people of Totontepec

    The beginning of the commercial notes that 81.6% of indigenous Mexican have felt “rejected” because of the language they speak. I wonder where they got this statistic from? Surprisingly few Totontepecanos feel embarrassed about their language. Still, there is no question that indigenous Mexicans are intensely discriminated against and this discrimination often takes the form of pressure to stop speaking their languages. In the 1950s when the first public elementary school was built in Totontepec, students were beaten and punished for speaking Ayöök. Even today, Ayöök is rarely heard in Totontepecano classrooms.

    "81.6% of indigenous Mexican have felt “rejected” because of the language they speak"

    What happens next in the commercial is that a group of young, attractive, fair-skinned youths travel to Totontepec to deliver a message of hope… and coolers full of ice-cold Coca-Cola (one small critical note here: Totontepecanos generally prefer to drink their soft drinks at room temperature, especially in the winter). The visitors erect a Christmas tree in the atrium of Totontepec’s church, made out of painted red boards and covered with bottle-cap style lights. As the music swells, the camera pans back to reveal the lit-up Christmas tree. White teens and brown teens hug, and laugh, and consume coke products. And there at the top of the tree is a message written in Ayöök, the language of Totontepec: Tö’kmuk n’ijtumtat.

    In the corner of the screen this message is helpfully translated into Spanish as “Permanezcamos Unidos” (Let’s Stay United). A slightly more literal translation would be “May all of us exist together as one.” Make no mistake, this is a fiercely Totontepecano sentiment. Underneath it says “Mixe Language.” This is the first time that Ayöök writing has appeared in a national advertising campaign or really any mainstream venue in Mexico. If we can set all of the other issues aside for just one second, this is a moment worthy of special recognition. The commercial ends by encouraging viewers to #AbreTuCorazon (open your heart) followed by the requisite Coca-Cola branding.

    Screenshot3

    Reactions outside of Totontepec, especially within the world of indigenous activism and scholarship have been swift and highly critical. Tweets called the coke commercial “racist”, “neocolonial”, “disgusting.” Essentially, the complaints are two-fold: first, that the commercial engages in the most crass, stereotypical perpetuation of the myth that indigenous people need white people to come and save them; and second, that Coca Cola sucks. It sucks because the consumption of its products is linked to various health problems such as tooth decay, obesity and diabetes, and because in Mexico Coca-Cola has been guilty of working with the Mexican government to privatize water resources and of bullying small communities into monopolistic agreements that exclude other soft drink manufacturers.

    Totontepecano reactions to the commercial are all over the map. Totontepecano facebook and twitter users have felt stung by the torrent of negative commentary about the commercial. Many saw the commercial as a way to promote the beauty and friendliness of their community. They are proud of their town and eager to show it off, and perhaps even to attract tourists. They are not remotely worried about their capacity to survive and thrive in a global system; and they are angry about being portrayed by outsiders as either helpless or as dupes who got tricked by a big bad multinational corporation. The money that Totontepec earned for participating in the commercial did not line the pockets of a corrupt local official. It will finance some desperately needed repairs at the local high school.

    Other Totontepecanos are against dealing with any big business for any reason, period. They see this Coke commercial as selling out, and they are expressing legitimate fears about keeping their magnificent spring water supply out of the grasping clutches of Coca-Cola. Being united is one of the most important things you can be in Totontepec, which is why it is troubling that the decision to permit the shoot was not a unanimous one. Nor was it made in the transparent fashion that Totontepecanos expect from their elected leaders. The coke commercial and its fallout will be the subject of at least one upcoming town assembly. The message of unity and holiday cheer is a fine one, but not if delivering it came at the cost of actual community unity.

    I myself am ambivalent. I was thrilled to see Ayöök up there on the big screen for all to admire. But I cringed when I saw all of those smartly-attired white kids running up and down the streets of Totontepec (not “storming the town” as one critic puts it. Puh-lease, let’s not lose our heads). This was a big missed opportunity to up-end stereotypes about what members of the Mexican national family look like. How about a scene with some Totontepecano kids living in the city (there are hundreds of them) asking for drinks in Ayöök, and not being rejected for doing so?

    Honestly though, my first reaction was, “Oh no, not this again.” Last year I found myself writing a sharply worded response to a Vodafone commercial that targeted another one of the languages I study, a relative of Ayöök called Ayapaneco. And now this? But I’ve been giving it some serious thought, and what I think is happening here is that the awareness raising campaigns of Mexico’s National Indigenous language Institute (INALI) and other advocates are working. Large corporations are taking notice that language loss is a real and pressing concern for more and more of their customers and wondering what sort of stance to take. For better or for worse, this might be what public awareness actually looks like.

    The challenge for all of us who care about the fate of indigenous peoples and their languages is to figure out how to keep these corporations honest and to push them in positive directions. One sign of Coca-Cola’s naiveté is that the original version of the commercial referred to Ayöök as a “dialecto Mixe.” Happily, the commercial was taken down and quickly corrected to read “lengua Mixe,” presumably because someone pointed out to the producers that the term “dialect” in Latin America has long been used to disparage and dismiss indigenous languages, to imply that they are something less than full, proper languages like Spanish or English. The lesson I take from this is that someone at Ogilvy & Mather or Coca-Cola was listening and perhaps willing to learn. So if this advertising campaign is more than a cynical ploy and Coke has a genuine interest in helping to make a positive change then I have a few ideas. Scholarships for indigenous students? Resources to train teachers and develop new learning resources for indigenous Mexican schools? That would certainly spread some holiday cheer.

    Daniel Suslak, Associate Professor of Anthropology at Indiana University, is a linguistic anthropologist who focuses on Mixe-Zoquean languages and their speakers. He studies how language serves as a medium through which people talk about the impact of economic development and globalization on their lives and how it becomes valued as a symbolic resource that people struggle to control and pass on to future generations.

  • “There’s no Thanksgiving Day in Jamaica”

    November 25th, 2015

    Japan Squad

    By Marvin Sterling

    It’s Thanksgiving Week. “Thanksgiving” is an interesting idea, not just for how it’s understood in America, but in other places as well. It’s interesting as a way to think about what a society recognizes as worth celebrating, and how they perform “recognition,” including in ways meant to deepen a sense of national community. This will always involve managing silences about who belongs and who doesn’t in that community. In the case of our holiday this week, for example, silence surrounds Native Americans, whose generosity on that first Thanksgiving Day of lore have historically been unreciprocated.

    There’s no Thanksgiving Day in Jamaica, where I’m from, but it’s still possible to compare the American and Jamaican cases. The fact that there are even fewer living indigenous people per capita in Jamaica than in the United States hasn’t made it any less possible for Jamaicans—at least those positioned to make these kinds of decisions—to use these indigenous people as symbols of national belonging. The Jamaican coat of arms features a crocodile atop a helmet symbolic of the British monarchial rule, beneath which stand a Taino man with a bow in his hand and a Taino woman with a basket of pineapples in one of her arms. At their feet a scroll reads Jamaica’s motto, “Out of Many, One People.”

    Journalist Mark Kurlansky (1993) writes that Caribbean people have “a problem with history”. He writes this in the context of the 500th year of Columbus’ arrival to the region in 1492. Some Caribbean peoples, he notes, wanted to commemorate this momentous event, including as an opportunity to attract tourist dollars to the region. Others see this moment not as one to commemorate, but rather to mourn, given the near-extinction of the Tainos that Columbus’ arrival precipitated. (Stress on the near in “near-extinction”: although there are very few remaining in Jamaica, and many, perhaps most Jamaicans assume they no longer exist, Tainos are not extinct.) This assumption of extinction, however, facilitates the symbolic labor the Taino perform. Taino Indians, like indigneous people elsewhere, by virtue of their presumed extinction have become very usable symbols of Jamaican multiculturalism, one that includes European, African, Chinese, Indian, Syrian, and Lebanese peoples but that ironically excludes “vanished” Taino peoples. One could argue that by virtue of the symbolic labor performed by this supposedly extinct and thus conveniently silent people, the African presence is marginalized as well. That is, as UWI Professor of Literary and Cultural Studies Carolyn Cooper has suggested in her own reading of the Jamaican coat of arms, the “One People” in question are really people of African descent, whose demographic power is strategically undermined by the neocolonial powers that be through strained and self-serving claims that Jamaica is a multicultural society.

    Coat of Arms of Jamaica

    Those who opposed commemorating Columbus’ arrival noted that in addition to the death of Taino peoples, Columbus’ arrival also precipitated that of African slaves to the region, with its own terrible history of exploitation, degradation and violence. Officially at least, this history of enslavement ended in Jamaica, Barbados, Bahamas, Antigua, St. Kitts and Nevis, St. Lucia and elsewhere throughout the British Empire in 1838. So again, while there is no Thanksgiving Day in Jamaica, there is Emanipation Day. “On midnight of July 31, 1838 it was reported with great pride that many slaves journeyed to the hilltops to greet the sunrise of Friday, August 1, 1838 that symbolized a new beginning in their lives. When morning broke, large congregations joined in thanksgiving services held in several chapels and churches across the island” (http://www.emancipationpark.org.jm/about-us/emancipation-day-celebration.php). It’s hard not to bring up here the how of thanksgiving I mentioned at the beginning of this post, and the ideological why that underlies it. Is there something unseemly about black slaves presumably giving thanks to the God of the white masters who enslaved them? Jamaican Rastafarians, who oppose Christianity for its colonialist indoctrinations, might think so. But even, perhaps especially, Rastas understand that after generations of being treated as property, and then being freed, one should be, well, free to celebrate as one sees fit. These celebrations are “only” of the moment, in more ways than one. They’re only one moment, and one kind, of liberation along a longer road to freedom.

    Independence is another stop along that road. Emancipation Day celebrations in Jamaica these days are usually coupled with Independence Day celebrations on August 6th . I was in Jamaica during these celebrations in 2012, the 50th year (more epic round numbers) of Jamaican independence. It’s already three years ago, but still memorable, more complex in a way than I can cover here. But some vivid memories, and really questions for myself (for when I finally do finish that article on the celebrations!), on the politics of performing national belonging and difference: government buildings draped everywhere in the colors of the Jamaican flag; dutiful speeches by Jamaican politicians; mento, Junkanoo, Cumina, ring game, and other folk performances all across the island; heated debates about whether the semi-official theme song of Jamaica 50, “We’re on Mission“, was, in musicological terms, sufficiently “Jamaican”; how irrelevant those debates became when it was played among thousands and thousands of euphoric Jamaicans gathered at the National Stadium; their cheers while watching on the same massive screen the victories earlier in the day of Usain Bolt and Shelly Ann Fraser Pryce in the men’s and women’s 100 meter dash, respectively, in the London Olympic Games; the dead quiet that descended upon that same crowd later in the evening as the winner of the annual “World Reggae Dance Championships”, featuring fifteen or so dance troupes of high school students from across the island, was announced to be the one foreign group, a team of dancers from Japan known as “The Japan Squad“; and word that some East Indian Jamaicans felt only marginally represented at the Grand Gala event bringing Jamaica 50 to a close.

    Well, despite all that, enjoy the holidays, everyone. Next time you see me, give me a nudge to get that article done.

    References:

    Kurlansky, M. 1993. A Continent of Islands. Boston: Addison Wesley Publishing Company.

    Marvin Sterling, Associate Professor of Anthropology at Indiana University, studies the popularity of a range of Jamaican cultural forms in Japan, mainly roots reggae, dancehall reggae, and Rastafari. And more recently, he has shifted geographical perspectives from Japan to explore the Japanese community in Jamaica, one primarily centered on an interest in learning Jamaican culture at its source.

  • Aneesh on the publication of his new book, Neutral Accent: How Language, Labor, and Life Become Global

    November 2nd, 2015

    Neutral Accent

    https://www.dukeupress.edu/neutral-accent

    Interview by Ilana Gershon

    Questions for the Author:

    When you first decided to study Indian call centers, what questions did you want to explore and how did the fieldwork change your focus?

    This is a good, if difficult, question about how one settles on a topic of research while ignoring many other, equally compelling, topics. My interest in India’s call centers stemmed from my first, rather unanticipated, encounter with a call center in early 2000. I was doing research on India’s software industry for my first book, Virtual Migration, and had driven from New Delhi to Gurgaon to interview a software firm’s senior manager. While being led to his office, I was struck by a rather odd and curious sight: the 1st floor office and all its cubicles were completely empty. I couldn’t help asking the manager about the absence of employees in his workplace. “Oh, they will start coming in at six in the evening,’ he answered casually. He explained that the empty part of the workplace that I saw was a call center, and workers were expected in the evening to start working during American office hours. Let’s remember that during their infancy call centers were often housed inside software firms. Some of the questions that arose in my mind were about exploring the consequences of global integrations; for example, how real-time connections across the world disconnected a set of employees from their own time zone.

    Let me admit, however, that the actual plan to do an institutional ethnography of call centers materialized after a conversation with Akhil Gupta in 2004 at Stanford where I taught at the time.

    The question how fieldwork changed my focus is an interesting one. Compared to 1999-2000, I found that the Indian firms had become much more secretive in 2004-05. To enter a premise, one had to swipe their ID, or, in my case, wait outside while the guard gets a nod from the reception to let me in for an appointment. Although it was still relatively easy to interview call center agents outside the premises, higher level managers were declining interview requests at a greater frequency. This lack of access inside the firm was one of the reasons why I ended up applying for jobs in call centers and working in one of them for several months. And, then, I began to realize that most of my previous interviews were as concealing of the work as they were revealing. Agents and managers tended to offer a more sanguine view of their work in interviews. But when I worked alongside they were more forthcoming. So, working at a call center not only allowed me a closer observation of the place; it also allowed people to be more revealing of their feelings and sentiments.

    In this book, you talk about a number of forms of neutrality demanded by globalized market relationships – neutral accents, gender neutrality, temporal neutrality, economic neutrality, and you trace in compelling detail how much labor is required to produce neutrality, which you define as an “indifference to difference.” (p. 116) What are the social costs of neutrality, and do you see this book as an argument against neutrality?

    You put it elegantly; this book can indeed be considered an argument against neutrality. I use the analogy of the alarm clock to bring out the dissonance one feels when confronted with neutrality. When the alarm goes off during the deepest sleep phase, the indifference of our schedule to our intimate bodily existence is experienced as deeply unpleasant. No wonder every alarm clock comes with a snooze button. It becomes clear that the clock was invented not for the person but for the schedules generated by modern institutions that were systemically neutral to the body. This experience of constant dissonance has become emblematic of our era as we juggle pressures from differentiated domains that may be at cross purposes with each other and neutral to the interiority of our lives. Call centers, where the diurnal body of the agent performs nocturnal work, may be a jarring representation of our 24-hour global economy. As we know now, some of their attributes — like non-standard work schedules, rotating shifts and night work—are becoming routine aspects of work in the United States. It is not surprising that prescriptions and over-the-counter drugs for sleep disorders have skyrocketed in the past decade.

    I have tried to show how experiences of disconnections are directly linked to practices of connections, and how the very drive to functional integration produces specific dysfunctions. These paradoxes are easier to spot and study in India’s call centers, as they play out in the lives of call center agents and increasingly, I argue, in our own lives in the global North. Certain modes of language, labor and life now appear as obstacles to the projects of integration, and thus, must be whittled away.

    One of the themes of your book is exploring how difficult it is to carry out even ordinary conversations when you don’t share the same cultural or geographical points of reference. Yet over time the Indian call workers develop quite complex, albeit limited, understandings of the social worlds of the people they are calling.  Your book offers a fascinating glimpse into what you know of a country if you are working in a call center far away. Could you talk about what an Indian call worker knows about what it means to be American just from calling Americans for hours a night for months or even years, and if it matters whether the task is debt collection or telemarketing. That is, did the nature of the call shape what they know?

    Perhaps a call center agent knows a little more about Americans than, say, her neighbor who has never been to the U.S. But most of this knowledge is scripted and acquired by training. But your question is right on the mark about the call shaping the agent’s perception. On the floor, by actually talking with Americans in real time, they do end up learning a little more about their customers, for instance, their sense of humor, cultural norms of conversation, racial biases, and other subtle dispositions that would not be available to someone who has never talked with an American. Some of their observations even took me by surprise; for example, most of them said that Americans were more rude than British or Australian people who also received roughly the same number of telemarketing calls. This was at odds with my first experiences in America more than two decades ago when I found people in public places a lot more polite than people back in India. I haven’t seen people saying “hello” or smiling on a sidewalk in India or Europe as we do in America. I thought the reason for rudeness must be the call itself. If an American receives a cold call during their private family time, their reaction—we can expect—would be quite negative. This sheds light on the cultural importance of privacy, which appears to be higher in the U.S. than in Britain. But this example also shows that the agent could come to wrong conclusions based solely on their calling experiences. All of us always construct the other for our own comprehension, and cannot see beyond our own cultural frameworks and available perceptual data and apparatus. Call center agents often constructed Americans as wealthy, honest, and rude, and given their limited context, they can be justified in their assessment even if it doesn’t correspond with the views of the visitors or residents in America.

    You discuss a notion of algocracy – rule by algorithm – and as you develop this idea, you contrast it primarily to bureaucracy. I was wondering if you could say a little bit about how people in your fieldwork experienced the difference between operating within an algocracy and operating within a bureaucracy. What are the lived differences for people on the ground between algocracy and bureaucracy?

    In 1999 when I was researching software firms in India I was struck by the fact that so much of software that we used was not developed at one place. Most of it was developed in several places at once. Different teams sitting in different continents were often contributing to the same project. I was aware of the literature on organizations where the advent of a middle managerial layer to coordinate the activities of large bureaucracies was crucial. But in the case of global software development, it was not possible to have a middle managerial layer coordinating different teams working under different labor regimes in different countries. Sitting at a firm one day and watching the work screen of a programmer, I realized that it was the code itself that was the manager. There were so many access controls built into the software platform that there was no need for a human manager. In 1998 in graduate school I had written and later presented a paper on what I called hyper-bureaucracy at the time. But during fieldwork in ‘99 it became clearer how code itself was the organization. For the lack of a better term, I coined the term algocracy, rule of the code or algorithm, instead of the bureau or office.

    While deeply Weberian, the concept is quite different from the notion of bureaucracy, which was defined by Weber through such features as hierarchy, documentation, dominance of positions as opposed to persons. Bureaucratic rules always needed to be internalized by the person following them. Whether I was eligible for a particular bank withdrawal used to be decided by the person at the bank who was supposed to know the rules and conditions of eligibility. The person had to be mobilized for bureaucratic norms to be effective. But the algocratic system structures the possible field of operations without requiring the person to internalize its norms for performance. Embedded algorithms would deny or allow a withdrawal request online without requiring anyone to internalize the rules. While bureaucracies use action orientation, algocracies govern through action consequences. We don’t know Google’s or Facebook’s algorithms even as they structure our possible field of action. This is true of identities as well. Our financial identities (e.g., credit scores), medical identities, shopping identities—or what I call system identities—are all algorithmically constructed by different systems without our approval or involvement. In recent years I have been happy to see so many studies and conferences on the importance of algorithms for social life.

    Conclusions can often be difficult to write, I am struggling with writing one right now. Could you talk a little bit about your writing process for your conclusion?

    Conclusions are difficult to write for me as well. After completing the main body of a manuscript, I tend to run out of steam, and the idea of summarizing the manuscript’s insights and findings seems daunting. This is the reason why I don’t really write conclusions. Perhaps I shouldn’t be divulging the banality of my writing habits but here is what I have found myself doing over the years. I start a separate section where I keep depositing numerous pieces of texts that I couldn’t use in the main body for some reason or the other. At the end I cobble together a conclusion from those scattered, unused, unloved (by peers) fragments of writing.

    A. Aneesh is currently an Associate Professor of Sociology and Global Studies at the University of Wisconsin, Milwaukee. Neutral Accent: How Language, Labor, and Life Become Global is available through Duke University Press, 2015.

  • Making Dances—the “Outsider Art” of Pilobolus

    October 27th, 2015

    Pilobolus--OKGO collaborationBy Anya Peterson Royce

    The Peter Pan bus from Penn Station to Danbury, CT, the A-1 Cab Company to the Homestead Inn, New Milford, CT, into an Enterprise rental car and off on 9 miles of narrow, winding roads to Washington Depot, CT., population 300, and the home of the Pilobolus Dance Theater since the early 1980’s. This became a familiar, if circuitous, route for me as I worked with the company at their home-base. The Peter Pan bus seemed an appropriately magical beginning to a company the likes of which had not ever been seen in the history of American dance.

    Pilobolus was the creation of four Dartmouth students, none of whom was a dancer but who signed up for a dance class taught by dancer and choreographer Alison Chase. Wise woman, knowing that learning the fundamentals of dance technique was not going to be possible in a semester, she pushed them instead to create dances. How is this possible, you might ask, in the absence of a technique? They built a wondrous dance-scape out of their bodies, holding on to each other, making an architecture of weight, balance, and gravity that morphed through one intriguing image after another.

    That was the beginning and with a few changes–the addition of two women, invitations to others to collaborate in works, developing an evening-long piece based on shadow-work, the company has retained its original ethos. Their philosophy has two tenets: the first encompasses the responsibility of the group to bring out the best in each member, forging a communal vision, and its counterpart, that the individual offer himself completely to the group, and takes responsibility for its smooth functioning and success.

    The second tenet assumes that dance and all art is the province of everyone to express themselves eloquently. Technique, then, is not a prerequisite for creating dance. This two-part philosophy defined Pilobolus as a radical departure from theatrical dance in 1971 at its founding, and it still does today, into its fourth decade. “Outsider Art,” is the term Robby Barnett, founding member, used to describe what Pilobolus did, and it certainly looked like that in the context of contemporary dance in twentieth century America.

    So how does this philosophy translate into making dances? “Teeth and souls bared” is how one Pilobolus dancer described the daily walk into the studio. Souls bared–allowing oneself to be known, to be vulnerable, to be transparent, holding nothing back. Teeth bared–entering into the potentially terrifying process of proposing ideas, movements and the give and take of acceptance or rejection. Speaking up with your body and your words. Taking risks, being vulnerable, trusting in the community to hold you up even when disagreeing.

    Dancer Mark Santillano described this collaborative creative milieu: “So that was the creative process. It wasn’t always pretty. It was never pretty. It was always turbulent and rocky and not everybody agreed on what should go in. Like I said, everybody was very passionate about their work. Everybody was very opinionated so it was stimulating.” Robby Barnett echoes this characterization: “I think our work benefits from more heads. You need conflict. Intelligent people are going to disagree. Strong ideas will prevail. We’re not afraid of conflict.” And another founder, Jonathan Wolken, reflected “One of the disadvantages of collaboration is disagreement, and I think that no matter what you deal with, somehow controversy or conflict, the C word, is bound to creep in. The question is how do you handle it and I think we’ve managed to finesse it and handle it remarkably well, given the 39 years we’ve been practicing this strange alchemy. I don’t know why the three of us are together still. I think there’s unfinished business. There’s more to do, much more to do.”

    PilsEblast3 JoyceFBOne of the unusual qualities about Pilobolus is its encouragement of individual difference that goes right back to the founders. It brings many more ideas and ways of working to the table, even though that makes the process longer and often more explosive. But it does avoid the problems that Associate Artistic Director Renée Jaworski identifies: “if you’re in a community where everybody’s strengths are different, and everybody plays to their strengths then you get a great collaboration. If everybody’s strengths are the same, and you’re all trying to grab at the same brass ring then it’s…there’s nothing you can do. You don’t get anywhere. You just end up bumping fists and nobody gets it” (Jaworski interview, September 2009).

    The Pilobolus touring company—known as P7, is small—seven dancers and a minimal technical staff. The dancers are in charge of virtually everything while on the road though they maintain contact with the administrative staff and artistic directors back home. Dancers stay with the touring company anywhere from two to nine years, with five or six being the norm. When dancers leave, they have to be replaced and, again, Pilobolus charts its own course. It does not have a school which, like other companies, can be a feeder. It does not have its own recognized technique which is another way of choosing dancers. So what does the audition process involve? Auditions are by appointment only. The first call is two days, one day for women, one day for men. They will usually get 200 to 300 dancers for one or two positions. There are then two days of call-backs when the numbers have been winnowed down to perhaps a dozen at the most. What are the hopeful dancers asked to do? Run—the prolific minds and bodies of Pilobolus directors and dancers have invented dozens of running exercises that rather quickly separate dancers who may be possibles from those who are not. When you have 200 people in one studio all running, it takes a real kinesthetic awareness to run smoothly without bumping into anyone. They are asked to run slow, run fast, run low to the floor or high on the balls of their feet. And then they are asked to flock, following a leader and changing leaders. Starlings do this really well, hence the phrase “murmuration of starlings” to describe the beautiful wheeling actions of large flocks of birds. Humans are not naturally good flockers and in these auditions, they do not have the help of aural cues which seem to be part of bird behavior. What seems to distinguish a good human flocker is a refined kinesthetic sense of her own body in relationship to all the bodies around her. Jumping is then added to running, and, finally, individual dancers do short improvisations and some partnering work.

    The dancers who survive this initial four day process are invited to Washington Depot where they spend days and nights with the company members, artistic directors, each other, and locals in the big studio with the seasoned Piloboleans, and at meals, breaks, wandering around the very small town. At the end of this, the company members, directors, and executive director talk and make their choices. Pilobolus dancers are chosen because the company sees something in them that will bring fresh ideas and different ways of moving. A premium is also placed on the willingness to engage in the conversation of ideas and bodies with a genuine commitment to everyone in the conversation. A Pilobolus dancer has to like working in a close-knit community as a colleague, not a competitor, someone who has the capacity to listen to the other voices and be changed. Dancers speak about being supported and nurtured by other more senior dancers when they first joined—being helped in learning the repertory, in negotiating their way in this new context. It is like no other dance company I know, and this philosophy allows them to create innovative, imaginative work that sits well in their bodies because they have collaborated in creating it. Each dancer has a profound investment in maintaining the freshness and vitality of the repertory. It allows them to be models of what can be accomplished through collaborative, engaged work and play. They can step outside the confines of ego and become part of something larger (see Csikszentmihalyi 1990).

    auditions announcementThis environment does not just happen. And it is always challenging to immerse oneself in it: “we ask ourselves every day, to do something seriously challenging… and that is to open [ourselves] up, without protection, to the peril and the power of the unknown…. It requires of everyone courage and commitment and a lot of energy and attention, and the risks are real, but it’s what every artist does and the rewards are unique” (Barnett, personal communication).

    Whether they come to Pilobolus from one of the better represented dance genres or from another background altogether, their time in the company teaches them movement qua movement. In a conversation with Renée Jaworski, she describes her own experience coming to Momix, then Pilobolus, from a background in Graham and Limon techniques: “When someone said “Pretend you are not a dancer,” it opened up my imagination to almost a visual rather than a physical art. So I started to step out of my body….It became much more visceral and tactile just as if layers piled on themselves.” This is not the same thing as the versatility that comes from training in a number of movement genres. Seasoned Pilobolus dancers command a much fuller understanding of how the human body can move and particularly how it can move in collaboration with other bodies. Their partnering does not derive from a mechanical knowledge of how bodies should move together but rather springs from a physical sensibility. Appreciating the range of innovative movement from the company dancers, P7 veterans bring to their choreographic endeavors a sense of what works both in terms of movement and in terms of narrative, at the same time that they are open to ideas that come out of nowhere. Many of these ideas that become movement kinemes are immortalized in names assigned by the group that created them: “Body flossing,” “galloping sofas,” “the flag,” “Ellington sack carry,” “face-to-face and back-to-back greyhounds, and dozens more.

    These are not terms we associate with a technique. So, in making dances, what is the role played by technique? Technique in most companies trumps personalities and spirits. Dances are built out of technique which functions like a grammar; you build movement phrases like you make sentences, then paragraphs, then stories. In traditions with a specific technique, new dancers come into an established repertory of performances with an instrument that has already embodied a codified movement system. Learning the repertory means learning sequences of steps built into longer movement phrases. No other company I know would say to a dancer, “pretend you are not a dancer,” as Pilobolus said to Renée. [I do know of another case where a choreographer took this position: Rita Moreno recounted her experience during the creation of West Side Story when Jerome Robbins directed her to go to the window. After a few attempts, he burst out “Don’t dance to the window; walk or run, but don’t dance!”] Jonathan had important observations about the role of technique: “the techniques dancers have are inhibiting because they’re used to certain steps, certain things. They’re used to being upright and we really are spherical. You know, you’re as likely to be sideways as upside down as on your feet. A lot of what we do that deals with weight sharing, and that’s only a small part of what we do really. It is odd for many dancers because the center of gravity is not in your body. It’s some other place and not necessarily in anyone’s body with whom you’re dancing. It’s a physical thing that manages to keep the whole structure together and that’s so odd for dancers who are used to being aligned and knowing where their center is and balancing themselves in particular ways. So it’s tricky, but I think when you come into the company you really shed all of your previous technique. It won’t help you. It will get in your way” (Wolken 2009). Another founding member, Moses Pendleton, called this “collective muscle” in an April 1977 interview with Alan Kriegsman for the Washington Post.

    With dancers who do not share a common technique, and in the absence of a single directorial voice, how does Pilobolus makes dances? The artistic directors have explained their process at various times over the long history of this company, displaying a remarkable consistency across the years. In a November 6, 2008 interview with Dennis Coleman, Robby Barnett offered:   “our works are built from the bottom up with a physical vocabulary that is developed through a process of invention and discovery, reflecting some fundamental priority of content over form rather than designing a structure and then filling out its predetermined volume.” Jonathan Wolken, in June 1999 interview at American Dance Festival, said “Collaboration is self-affecting, limited chaos, pulling the knowable out of the unknowable….By end of the second week, the material seems to begin to connect and you can begin to focus on one theme. Reduction is the process…. Things that are convincingly right don’t need any discussion.”

    New dancers, new partners, new venues, and new mediums. Add to that heady mix, the particular passions of artistic directors and collaborators, and Pilobolus is unlikely to run out of new ways to make dances.

    https://vimeo.com/113564164

    PILOBOLUS WEBSITE

    Anya Peterson Royce, Chancellor’s Professor of Anthropology and Comparative Literature at Indiana University, has followed the Pilobolus Dance Theater as a fan since the 1980’s and as an ethnographer since 2008. Tracing the communal story of Pilobolus allows me to document a creative process that combines the freedom to play and invent with the discipline and vision to distill works of artistic merit out of that seeming chaos. For that and them, I am grateful.

  • Performance and Poetry

    October 19th, 2015

    Chris Mattingly

    By Jennifer Meta Robinson

    On a glorious October Saturday recently, a group of unusual people gathered at our farm. Seven of them were poets, or at least the day’s official designees of the title Poet, and about 93 of them constituted the audience. A few of them were The Band, and a good dozen were children under ten, conscripted but relishing their numbers.

    We met in our barn in rural Greene County, Indiana, where tools of digging and chopping and gathering line the walls and the sheds are full of the drying harvest—flowers, broom corn, colorful grinding corn, garlic, winter squash, pumpkins. The bounty on this day, though, was a community gathered around the creative spoken word. A flatbed wagon filled with food and drinks, and the poets took their places out back, at the opening to the field.

    This was an unusual gathering. One person had politely declined my invitation saying, the Goddess did not give him a love of poetry. And indeed, although the popular consciousness is now so much interested in invention and disruption, very little of it has much to do with poetry.

    Still, the crowd gathered to enact the performance of poetry—the communion of words and worlds that requires both a telling and a hearing, bodies and hearts. The poems, like the news-sharing before and after, were beautiful but sometimes chosen to shock, and they did not always tell about beautiful things. But they were always powerful: judgmental neighbors with astroturf aesthetics, fathers who rarely spoke, achievements that become little more than dreams in the rearview mirror, children, lost children, “loss button” mothers, gardens, bees, fruits, and foods.

    The poetry was by academic poets—Ross Gay, Catherine Bowman, Alessandra Lynch, Chris Mattingly, David Watters, Wendy Spacek, Sue Cho. They are employed to write in ivory towers, but they are poets you bump into out in the world—at the community orchard, at the farmers’ market, in the New Yorker, engraved in public art, on the baseball field. This time we met them outside of the usual poetry spaces of lecture halls, classrooms, art galleries, and front rooms.   Out in the open air, night rapidly falling so that Alessandra had to borrow a light-up hat from a spelunker in the audience to finish her sequence, we sometimes had to strain to hear over the jubilant pack of children, the car wheels on the gravel road, the bugs, and evening birds.

    It was a cold night but a warm medium. We shared homemade vegetable juice, bean dip, lemon squares, and much more. The audience sat on crates used to ship bareroot plants in the spring. It felt like the poetry itself was planted, in a new place among a new community made up of farmers, school teachers, artists, writers, grandmothers, gardeners, sewers, bakers, students, docents, carpenters, dumpster divers, coffee slingers, small business owners, homemakers, guitar players and drummers, critics and comrades. It felt like we all made a thing that we could harvest and taste, bring to a potluck.

    The performance was a collective affair as we expected. But we did not know quite how we would circle around the poets on our crates. Or that children would be drawn to the speakers, going up to hold their hands and sit in their laps and carry their poems off. We did not know that we would lose the light to read, as we did, or find it again in the Milky Way.

    Media clips of interest:

    Catherine Bowman performing “Makeshift”: http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2014/09/29/makeshift-2

    Ross Gay performing “To the Fig Tree at 9th and Christian”: http://www.nereview.com/tag/ross-gay/

    Jennifer Meta Robinson, Professor of Practice in the Anthropology Department at Indiana University, has worked on ethnographies of the local food movement for a decade, focusing on sense of place, identity, and community. She lives with her husband J.A. Hartenfeld, a 35-year farmer, in Greene County, Indiana.

  • Dancing Bodies and Rhythmic Identities

    October 16th, 2015

    holding hands

    by Gabriel Escobedo

    I am a third-generation Mexican-American. My earliest memories were in the house of mi abuelita. I remember the constant sound of music and television in Spanish. When I was 4 years of age we moved. We still lived near other Mexican-Americans at this time, but it was not long until my mother and father saved enough money for us to move out of there as well. At the age of 7, we settled in a predominately White-American suburb in Arlington, Texas. There was no longer anyone who looked like us or spoke like us, and my parents wanted me to fit in.

    I had no means of talking to anyone other than my grandmother and sometimes my parents since it was the only time I could freely speak Spanish. I could no longer communicate with my own heritage and culture. Except for when I spoke through my body. When I danced to salsa, bachata, merengue, and cumbia I was Latino again. The irony of it all was that because of how I moved I could be from any part of Latin America I so choose. I did not have a specific Mexican identity; instead I could be as many different types of Latino as I wanted, so long as the music covered my voice.

    Over time, I found others like me; the silent ones, the in-betweeners. They reached out to me for some reason unbeknownst to me. I could not teach them all the Spanish I had just re-acquired or teach them all our culture when I am still learning more about it everyday. What could I do? I could teach them to dance! It was my ticket into a world I thought I would never know. So I did, I created a whole program through IU’s Latino Cultural Center, known as La Casa. Paso a Paso is a cultural program dedicated to educating the Bloomington, IN community about Latino culture through dance.

    I was dedicated to helping as many of those like me as possible, those who were lost. I was so eager to put on this program and help the Latino community I almost missed the most important reason I dance. I did not want to let anyone feel the anger, despair, hopefulness, and utter frustration I felt just going up to people who I called family, let alone those who share in my image. I dance because I feel like I am a part of something greater than myself when I do, I feel as if I am whole again, I feel accepted.

    It is a week before my first workshop for Paso a Paso and I am spamming IU’s email servers with my flyers, I am going into classes and hanging up flyers so that at least one person can come to my event. That is when I spoke to my advisor to make a quick call out to the Anthropology of Dance class. My classmates seemed interested, at least I hoped so, but there was one person who was disheartened at my entreaty for everyone to attend.

    Her name is Sally, and she uses a wheelchair. She told me that she would love to come but she can’t “move the way” I do. In that moment, my past was reflected in her eyes; mirror’s curse and blessing. I told her, “Don’t worry! I know exactly how to teach you to dance!” I lied. I had no idea. But I couldn’t let her feel the way I have felt. I can never let anyone feel that way again if I have the means to do so. Exclusion to some is exile to others. At the edge of oblivion in the minds of those who feel isolation, a single step in either direction can change the whole dance. It might as well be to a rhythm.

    Screen Shot 2015-10-18 at 10.05.05 PM

    I scoured the Internet for someone who has done this before, but there was no one. Anything I found was a routine that was choreographed, rehearsed, and performed. That isn’t what I wanted. I wanted expression. I want the dancer to do what he/she wants in the moment before the moment disappears because in the fleeting instant he/she is making a choice what to do and who to be.

    So I worked every passing second on a way for her to learn to do Latin dance. I spent what seemed like forever creating a method to teach her to be a part of a community she thought was lost to her. Hours and hours creating scenarios for every possible question, concern, and issue that she had. I looked up different wheelchairs and their mechanics.

    Finally, the day came. Sally and her partner John came to my program. I discussed the history of Latin Americans coming to the U.S., I focused on a particular dance known as Bachata, and I discussed how it has gained popularity over time. As my other instructors began teaching the basics I worked with Sally and John, making sure they were also paying attention to what was happening around them.

    My standing/sitting partner pair was ready to dance. I developed a series of non-verbal hand gestures that could effectively communicate the direction of the dance. This method also allows for incorporating underarm turns and accounts for time disparities when keeping up with the beat. Sally and John could dance. Their faces were in utter disbelief. Joy radiated from their bodies. The embodiment of acceptance, of laughter, of wholeness, of delighted identity all emanating from what some thought wasn’t a perfect body.

    I wish I could elaborate more of the details of my method and show images of the performance but you must wait. I am currently working on an article to show what was done that day and I have already created an instruction video in conjunction with the future publication that I will use to teach others how to socially dance to Latin music without routine. I will be discussing challenges, body mechanics, what to look out for, safety, and how to never let anyone take away something that is part of you.

    This experience has changed the way I think and feel about dance. All my preconceived notions of what dance was and who can dance are gone. One thing, especially for me as a hot-blooded stubbornly prideful Latino male, is the change in roles of partnership. My next entry will be focused on partnership between standing and sitting partners.

    Gabriel J. Escobedo is a PhD Student in the Department of Anthropology at Indiana University. He focuses on dances from Latin America and how U.S. Latino youth utilize these dances to form identity. His current work focuses on Bachata dance and its recent growth it popularity and legitimacy.

  • Conchita Wurst Comes to Kyrgyzstan

    October 7th, 2015

    Conchita Wurst Photo from AFP

    “Conchita, Conchita” the boys squeal. I am standing in a gay night club in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan. I glance behind me, and sure enough, there she is – Conchita Wurst. Never mind that she looks less than glamourous in her frumpy brown calico frock. Or that she is a little on the short side, and most definitely Asian. She is Conchita incarnate, with her straight black hair reaching down to her waist and her little more than five-o’clock-shadow beard. The boys whisper as she passes us. Throughout the night, the squealed refrain is heard again and again. She never graces the stage, but rather wanders about, talking and flirting with various boys, giving a lap dance or two. Eventually, the dress and wig come off and she is just another gay Kyrgyz boy, albeit with a painted on beard.

    Conchita Wurst, the stage name and persona of Austrian singer and EuroVision contestant Tom Neuwirth, was the transcendent hero of the spring and summer of 2014. The EuroVision Song Contest is an annual transnational singing competition held among the members of the European Broadcasting Union. Both highly entertaining and highly political, it is perhaps best described as the Olympics of pop music. I had followed EuroVision a little on Facebook from Bloomington, Indiana. My Austrian roommate had been the first to point out to me that a drag queen or a trans woman or an intersex woman or a bearded lady or whatever Conchita Wurst really was (and there was plenty of debate) would be Austria’s contender, and it took a little while for me realize that she would be far more than a novelty. Rather, Conchita would become emblematic of a global battle for the right to queer expression. Not gay expression, not even trans expression, but queer expression. Conchita was someone who could pull off the combination of beard and pretty dress – the archetype of “genderfuck” – and do it in a way so seamless, so natural, that one hardly realized she was fucking with gender at all.

    As EuroVision commenced, the internet was ablaze. The voting, in particular, became the moment where her importance began to emerge for me, where she was not the sideshow but the battleground. Where Conchita equaled queer equaled freedom equaled Europe, and Ukraine’s voting was of particular interest – which way would it sway? A vote against Conchita was viewed ideologically as a vote for Russia, a fact that was highlighted most clearly in votes for the Russian contestant. The Cold War had reemerged writ large on the svelte body of an Austrian drag queen.

    In addition to EuroVison, spring of 2014 saw the introduction of a bill that would create a gay propaganda law in Kyrgyzstan, a law that was broader in scope and harsher in punishment than the Russian law passed in 2013. This law would criminalize anything that fosters, “a positive attitude toward non-traditional sexual relations, using the media or information and telecommunications networks” and would be punishable by both a fine and up to a year in prison. This came after a series of events beginning in January of 2014 that increased the visibility of LGBT people in Kyrgyzstan. First, the Human Rights Watch had held a press conference in conjunction with the release of a report detailing 40 instances of police brutality toward and extortion of gay and bi men in Kyrgyzstan. One of the speakers was a Kyrgyz LGBT rights activist, who publically came out as gay. The next day, the then-acting Grand Mufti, Kyrgyzstan’s highest religious authority, released a fatwa paraphrased as “if you see a gay, kill him.” Violence against LGBT people escalated, and in February, a mob gathered outside the US embassy and burned the photograph of a pro-Ukraine activist who was rumored to be gay.

    It was against this backdrop that I returned to Bishkek in May and that Conchita really began to mean something to me, and then only through what she meant to other people. Before, she had largely been a sensationalistic singer singing a mediocre song, interesting for what she said about international politics. I was interested in her in much the same way I had been interested in Finnish monster band Lordi several years before. However, as I would encounter her again and again in Kyrgyzstan, brought to life by a Russian man from Russia who performed at the talent show at the LGBT Summer Camp; or by the Kyrgyz boy giving lap dances at the gay club in Bishkek; or simply in her tune, “Rise Like a Phoenix,” hummed defiantly on the jailoo (summer pasture) or the alleys of Bishkek, I began to see her as a beacon of hope, and as a figure who was intimately relatable to Kyrgyzstan’s feminine gay men.

    Conchita’s relatability surprised me at first, for in the United States, Conchita’s appeal came in part from the very fact that she was not relatable, that no one knew quite how to categorize her or even make sense of her. Although she was the stage persona of a gay man, the term drag queen did not seem quite applicable, in part because of the presence of the beard, and in part because without the beard she could totally pass as a woman. She was over-the-top, but in all the wrong ways.

    This in between status, this ability to resist categorization is, I believe, precisely what made Conchita so accessible and relatable in Bishkek. In Bishkek, many gay men straddled the line between cis and trans, neither binary nor non-binary, men who were somehow exempted from womanhood (including trans womanhood) and yet not really men either, but at the same time, neither bigendered nor agendered. Conchita was a physical representation of the condition that defined their lives, feminine manhood as separate and distinct from trans womanhood. She proved that one could have a beard and a male body and still be the pinnacle of femininity. There was nothing masculine about Conchita, and yet she was not a passable woman.

    That summer, anyone could be Conchita. You did not have to be pretty, or be able to pass. You did not have to be thin, or glamourous. You only had to be recognizable, and all that took was the juxtaposition of a wig and a beard. And who wasn’t Conchita, rising from the ashes, defiantly telling the writers of propaganda laws that we too will prevail, that self-expression is worth standing up for, that ultimately, gender is made to be fucked?

    Samuel Buelow is a PhD Candidate in the Department of Anthropology at Indiana University. He has conducted ethnographic fieldwork on LGBT issues in Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan. His current work focuses on Kyrgyz “crossdressers” – men who look like beautiful women.

←Previous Page
1 … 50 51 52 53
Next Page→

Blog at WordPress.com.

 

Loading Comments...
 

    • Subscribe Subscribed
      • CaMP Anthropology
      • Join 257 other subscribers
      • Already have a WordPress.com account? Log in now.
      • CaMP Anthropology
      • Subscribe Subscribed
      • Sign up
      • Log in
      • Report this content
      • View site in Reader
      • Manage subscriptions
      • Collapse this bar