
Amanda Weidman: First of all, thank you for this beautiful, ethnographically and sonically rich work! You’ve brought together ethnomusicology, linguistic anthropology, and voice studies to weave a theoretically rich account of how expressive culture is working in post-conflict Somaliland to rekindle a sense of intimacy and shared experience, and rebuild a public sphere.
To start off, can you describe a moment from your fieldwork that you feel produced an important discovery or realization?
Christina Woolner: Oh that’s a great question. It is hard to pick just one but let me share something from fairly early in my research. About 3 or 4 months into my fieldwork, I was chatting with a friend from Boorame, and explaining a bit about what I’d been up to. By this point this included a somewhat bewildering number of activities, including everything from working in a sound archive to hanging out in artists’ homes, visiting radio and TV studios, listening to music with friends and attending live performances. I told him that I sometimes wished for a more predictable daily schedule, and that it wasn’t always clear how these very diverse types of encounters were connected. His response was simple: “What seems to unite these things, Christina, is love songs.”
In retrospect, this is an incredibly obvious observation – and, given I had ended up in these places because I was attempting to “follow the thing,” to borrow from Appadurai, of course the link between them was love songs. But hearing that comment at that point in my research made me realize that part of love songs’ significance lies precisely in the fact that they are this link: they move across places conceived as public and private all the time, and link people and feelings across both time and space. This realization eventually became a central part of the book’s argument and title: songs are not static, they are always in motion, and their political-affective power is very much tied to this fact. This idea also gives the book its structure: each chapter documents love songs at a different point in this movement, from private to public and back again—from the intimate disclosures and artistic collaborations that birth love songs to their public circulation, from private listening to public performance.
Amanda Weidman: Love, sincerity or “singing from the heart”, intimacy: these are concepts that come up throughout the book. Can you give us a sense of how you walk the fine ethnographic line between appealing to your readers’ intuitive understanding of what these mean, on the one hand, and on the other, emphasizing their culturally and historically specific emergent meanings in 1950s-2010s Somaliland?
Christina Woolner: One of the most productive and challenging features of my research was the fact that many of the central concepts you’ve identified seem to have intuitive appeal to diverse audiences. And indeed, my interlocutors often presumed that I would understand what they meant by things like “love” and “singing from the heart,” in a manner similar to the way that I presume my readers might have a sense of what these ideas invoke. As Weston notes of the concept of intimacy as an analytic: it carries with it a kind of “generative imprecision.” Significantly, love songs themselves are intimately generative in this way—they are powerful precisely because of how they presume the experience of love(-suffering) will be intelligible to others, yet also leave space for listeners to hear their own experiences. So as a writer, at times I have taken a cue from the poets I work with by leaning into this generative imprecision and heeding the saying “dadka u dhaaf iyaga ayaa micnaysan” (“let the people find the meaning themselves”).
But, as you note, these concepts also have a very specific cultural history and significance. I deal with this in two ways. The first is Chapter 1, where I chart the cultural-historical origins of ideas about love and voice as they congeal in love songs. This gives readers a sense of how these concepts are locally conceptualized and explains why I often use the term love(-suffering) rather than simply love. The second is by being transparent about instances when I realized there was a rupture between my interlocutor’s assumptions and my own. This happened regularly when discussing love experiences, as many interlocutors assumed these would involve suffering in a way that I did not; it also happened when discussing “singing from the heart,” because I initially had different ideas about what might make a voice sound sincere. I recount several such moments throughout the book, including in the conclusion, where I try to make sense of why one interlocutor and dear friend, the late singer Khadra Daahir, wished suffering upon me. I ultimately use this as a jumping board to reflect on the challenge you’ve identified, and that I think is at the heart of all ethnography—how to balance respect for the specificity of experience with a desire to say something about the human condition that resonates with diverse audiences. This ultimately brings me full circle to a consideration of how love songs and ethnography might both be about “a desire for a narrative about something shared” (the “generatively imprecise” definition that Berlant suggests for “intimacy”). It will be up to my readers to decide if I’ve been successful.
Amanda Weidman: In constructing your treatment of voice in this ethnography, you introduce the concept of envocalization. Can you explain the relationship of this idea to the concepts of entextualization, decontextualization, recontextualization? What does the concept of envocalization do for ethnomusicologists and linguistic anthropologists that these other concepts don’t?
Christina Woolner: Several related things. Firstly, I do use it as a kind of shorthand for the trio of concepts you’ve listed, but I use a single term to emphasize that a text is always in the making. Envocalization also obviously draws attention to the fact that these texts are animated by the voice, so the term implicitly highlights that texts that are voiced come into the world and move about in a particular way. So it’s a bit of an attempt to rescue these very helpful concepts from a notion of text that has become so expansive in its metaphorical applications that it’s lost some of its analytical precision. But given that I treat the voice as both a sonic and social phenomenon, I also use this term to show how the way people use their voices (what I refer to as practices of voicing), and the ideas people have about what the voice is and does (what you’ve helpfully termed ideologies of voice), are mutually reinforcing. So what this term offers is a framework for understanding how voiced texts—songs, oral poems, or otherwise—move about and do things in a manner very much enabled by their sonic form, in an ongoing process in which the voice as a sonic and social object is constantly reconstituted.
Amanda Weidman: Additionally, in relation to your theorization of voice, you use the concept of multivocality and draw a helpful contrast between ideologies of voice and practices of voicing. What role do these concepts play in the understanding of voice that you are building in this book?
Christina Woolner: Following on from my previous answer, I try to show how the power of the voice resides in the interplay of specific ideologies of voice and actual practices of voicing. I do this because, in the case of love songs, I found that vocal ideologies and practices intersected in ways I initially found counter-intuitive but were key to what was going on. To be more specific: I was often told that the voice should “sound from the heart.” The affective purchase of songs thus rests on an ideology that figures the voice as the natural and sincere expression of an individuals’ deeply felt internal sentiments. But if you look at the actual practices of voicing by which songs are animated, they emerge as multivocal at every turn: in the way they are collaboratively composed, in the way they are performed, and in the way that people talk about, listen to, and re-voice songs. What I attempt to show is that this multivocality doesn’t undermine people’s expectation that songs “sound from the heart”: in fact, it helps to constitute and reinforce it as songs are continually envocalized.
You include a chapter about your experience of learning to play the oud. Why was this an important part of your fieldwork? Can you say more about the role of this instrument and the relationship between instrument and voice in this context? Does the oud have a voice?
Christina Woolner: Perhaps naively, I didn’t originally conceive of my oud lessons as a major part of my research. But I quickly realized that I was learning a lot more than how to play a few tunes. To start, my lessons gave me a front-row seat to the incredible determination and the socio-political sensibilities that it takes to be a musician in Somaliland. My teacher, Cabdinaasir Macallin Caydiid, had been an active member of the Somali National Movement—as an exiled musician, then an armed combatant—and he’d played a key role in rebuilding the arts sphere after the war. He was celebrated as a musician and a veteran, but he also lived an incredibly difficult life, not only because it’s hard to earn a living as a musician, but also because musicians still occupy an ambiguous social-political-religious space. Cabdinaasir recently passed away, and I feel especially grateful for the time we had together.
It was also in my lessons that I started to appreciate more fully the sounded dynamics of love songs, and the importance of their instrumentation to their affective force. The oud has been critical here since the beginning—it was the fabled clandestine arrival of an oud in Somaliland in the 1940s, brought by Cabdullaahi Qarshe, that is credited with birthing qaraami, the earliest form of love song. Then, as now, the oud’s cod—which means both “voice” and “sound” in Somali—is critical to how songs convey emotion, and many listeners described to me the relief that the sound of the oud brings. The oud does this by introducing the melodic motif, adding heterophonic texture, and dialoguing with the singer. Good oud players are also adept at adding xawaash (spice), or embellishments, that are especially important for conveying feeling and a sense of spontaneity. So I suggest that the oud’s voice, and the process by which musicians acquire the ability to sound love, is critical to love songs’ intimate multivocality.
Amanda Weidman: Again, congratulations on this terrific and inspiring work and thank you for doing this interview! Now that the book is out, what are your next steps?
Christina Woolner: Thanks, I’ve really appreciated the opportunity to think back through the work with these questions. As for next steps, I’m currently wrapping up a project about the more overtly politically dynamics of giving voice in Somaliland: my focus here has been a 2017 poetry chain, in which dozens of poets debated issues related to government corruption and accountability in a series of poems that circulated on Facebook. Following this, I’m hoping to start a project that looks more explicitly at the role of music and poetry in Somaliland’s peacebuilding process in the 1990s. Several musicians I worked with were involved in this and there are anecdotal reports of the important role played by women poets, but it’s not really been documented. So I’m hoping to help document this, and to more explicitly explore how sound as a medium is imbricated in the quest for reconciliatory politics.



