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Communication, Media and Performance

  • Siyuan Yin on her book, Contesting Inequalities

    December 8th, 2025

    https://www.sup.org/books/asian-studies/contesting-inequalities

    Yajie Chen: Even though I am familiar with the context and with some of the activist groups, you gave such vivid accounts of their stories and histories. You mentioned you started fieldwork in March 2016. What is significant about this time, and what was the process like for you to start doing fieldwork?

    Siyuan Yin: I knew the Migrant Women’s Club before I started my dissertation because I was studying in Beijing back in college and traced some of their work through a friend’s network. The Migrant Women’s Club was a very well-established NGO founded in the mid-90s, and it is the first NGO in midland China working on migrant women’s issues, founded by a well-established staff member, Xie Lihua, who had connection with the government and concerns for women’s rights, rural women’s rights in particular. In the early years of my Ph.D., I contacted the NGO staff members and had some interviews with them on another project. That is how I started these connections with them.

    I also searched online and found the NGO, Migrant Workers’ Home, because they were very visible back then with all their cultural activities, music, and all kind of events. When I entered a field back in March 2016, I went to the NGOs physically to talk to people there. There are two other organizations that I included in my book: Jiuye, the feminist music band, and Jianjiao Buluo, the online community and feminist media, which was introduced by a migrant worker who was writing for the alternative media. That is how I ended up working with these four cases.

    I think I was lucky that I entered the field before COVID. Although after 2012, the political environment has been increasingly depressive, and also suppressive, there was still space and opportunities. Because large-scale protests are not really possible in China, my initial interest in writing this book springs from the fact that workers protest in China face rather brutal suppression and often receive very little mainstream attention and coverage. So I was very interested to know how, on a daily basis, there could be a more sustainable, feasible mode of everyday labor activism. That really drew me to pay attention to these communicative, mediated practices, for instance, performance, music, digital media production, community media, or writing groups. Back then, I was very optimistic before COVID, I would say. In the post-COVID period, after I have seen the collapse of all these softer ways of activism, I think the whole ecology of activism in China is really going bad. I do not see a sign in the near future to revive this ecology. But there is something else, right? There is something else that has burgeoned in, or emerged in contemporary China, as you probably have followed on all kinds of social media on this gender antagonist discussions. I think people are always finding ways to do, if not large-scale resistance, at least some kind of rebellious actions.

    Yajie Chen: I was really intrigued by how you described in the post-COVID moment the kind of mediated labor activism you documented is even less possible and less visible. You said a lot of the groups basically disbanded after COVID, or even before it. Looking back to all the groups, the NGOs, and activist strategies you wrote about now, what would you envision this book to be, or become? Your writings felt like a documentary of this historical period to me, now that young people interested in labor issues might not even be able to see it in person. What would you envision this book to be in this sense for an intended audience?

    Siyuan Yin: I would say, empirically, as you beautifully summarized of my book, it is an attempt to document what has been done by people on the ground, at grassroots level, bottom-up, their imaginations, aspirations, learning, grievances, hopes, desires, and courage to engage these collective, different forms of collective resistance. That is the empirical contribution of the book.

    I think theoretically, I try to develop a conceptual framework to talk about the very contingent formation of counter-hegemonic power in contexts like China, where there is little political tolerance for large-scale resistance. I focus on three elements, although there could be many more. The first one is to search for a new political subject. In the book, I locate rural migrant workers as a new historical political subject in a Marxist sense, as an agent of change. However, I did not regard these people as already formed subject as an agent of change. It does require efforts of mobilizing, organizing, education, and engagement. For instance, the case of the advocacy performance program is a perfect example to show that there are ways to mobilize workers who did not occupy this subjective position of seeing themselves as an agent of change. They later transform their subjectivities, start to see themselves as being able to speak up for themselves, and call for more systemic structural changes.

    The second element focuses on critical and transformative epistemology and counter-discourse. How can we develop counter discourses to this hegemonic power, for instance, urban supremacy or patriarchal culture, heteronormativity, structural inequalities that a lot of people do believe or take for granted, no matter what class or gender positions they occupy. It is very important to develop this counter-hegemonic discourses to challenge and destabilize those dominant discourses and dominant ideologies in China.

    The third is to form informal networks. Again, it is difficult to formally organize large-scale resistance in China. However, as we have seen from those workers’ resistance, which my book documents, through different small-scale informal networks, there could be some possible actions. What this book has demonstrated is just one of those examples, and there are numerous examples, as we can see for instance, in the realm of LGBTQ activism in China, gender antagonism and feminist struggles. There are still a lot of online or offline, small groups, small networks among social groups who have strived to form their alliances. I think those are all the contributions, or what I hope the audience or the readers could receive from the book.

    Yajie Chen: You started the book by framing Chinese migrant workers’ struggles as part of the larger global working-class struggles. Could you speak more about the claim and its significance? How would it allow us to see emerging migrant worker subjectivity differently?

    Siyuan Yin: I think one of the key principles that really shaped my scholarship is to really get rid of methodological nationalism. That is also the trend of a lot of scholarship, especially critical scholarship. China scholars have this tendency, which I do not agree, to treat China as something special, with a special civilization, history, and circumstances to some extent. It is true, because every country has its unique trajectory of historical development. But this overemphasis on the uniqueness of context, history, or contemporary politics may overlook some common problems.

    I see Chinese rural migrant workers as part of this global working class not only in a contemporary sense, but also in a historical sense. If we think about the enclosure movement in industrializing the United Kingdom 300 or 400 years ago, there was a large number of peasants moving from rural areas to the industrializing centers. Now, we have also seen large scale rural to urban labor migration domestically in newly industrializing countries like China and India, and not to mention, the ongoing transnational labor migration, especially from non-Western, less advanced countries moving to more advanced economies and areas. This is a global, transnational phenomenon. Although the national context people live in are quite different, the political, economic, and even structural, historical conditions people are facing share a lot of similarities: how local states’ policy are friendly towards capital investment and suppressive against local labor protests, for example in Singapore, Bangladesh, not to mention China. Political deprivation, labor exploitation, social exclusion, and cultural discrimination are the common issues those transnational and domestic migrant workers are facing in different contexts. They are not that different considering these structural and historical forces. I think that is what has really prompted me to draw this comparative lens to understand the similarities, or the similar circumstances that rural migrant workers in China and other migrant workers, or workers in general are facing in unequal power structures.

    Yajie Chen: You coined “mediated labor activism” which is also the title of the book. What do you mean by mediated and what are some commonalities across the different cases that make them comparable?

    Siyuan Yin: Let me clarify what I mean by “mediated labor activism.” I use this concept borrowing from media scholar, Bart Cammaerts, from his work on “mediated activism.” Mediated activism is a concept in communication scholarship referring to how media, communication practices, and technologies have been incorporated into activism or resistance. The emphasis is on the use of all kinds of media, and also the relationship with media or communicative practices.

    I look at these forms of mediated practices among workers as essential parts of their labor activism because of their sustainability. The performance program survived for about 10 years, and the music group lasted even longer, almost two decades. It is this durability and sustainability of activism that really triggered my interest. I wanted to see if there was something that could be embedded in people’s everyday life, especially migrant workers’ everyday life. A lot of workers who were reluctant to join short-term, militarized labor strikes or protests may find mediated, communicative, resistant practices interesting and empowering. I also believed that these forms of activism might even be more effective to mobilize and engage a larger group of people, although it turned out to be different from what I expected. I have explained why mediated labor activism fails to become social movements in the conclusion chapter.

    Yajie Chen: Your discussion in the book also points out the role of mainstream media in upholding cultural hegemony that oppresses migrant workers. Meanwhile, some mainstream outlets also take a more sympathetic stance and even highlight the advocacy work of activist groups. What are the roles mainstream media, or perhaps citizen media, can play in shaping public discourse in China?

    Siyuan Yin: My approach to media, or any type of technology is always to de-center media and recenter people. The reason why I started this project and focused on mediated activism was not because I come from media scholarship tradition. I emphasis on media because this is what people do on the ground. If they have chosen other types of activism, maybe something completely irrelevant to media or communicative practices, I would do a whole new project. What I am saying is that what we need to follow is people’s actions. The reason why media is important is because people use media, not because media is important by itself.

    In terms of mainstream media, I think it is very interesting that some journalists from the official media that I met were individuals, who were genuinely very concerned about and cared for migrant workers and their well-beings. They were trying to write a frank, accurate account, to document those people’s grievances. However, there are always institutional barriers. They could not publish their report. They were required by the editors to change the tone and content because of the media politics in China. I think that is also why the internet gives people some opportunities to document something especially for those individuals who either do not have access to mainstream media, or have been underrepresented or misrepresented by mainstream media.

    However, it would be over-optimistic to emphasize on the role of the internet, considering this heavy censorship and surveillance on the internet. There are some very genuine concerns about social inequalities and injustices shared by a lot of people, regardless of their class positions or gender identities. There are structural forces that people are subject to that set certain parameters for people when they consider which actions are feasible and which actions could be dangerous to their own safety or well-being.

    Yajie Chen: Is there anything else you would like to highlight about your first book?

    Siyuan Yin: I think the book will be of interest to people who are concerned about the possibilities of change. Although I’ve heard that a lot of those activism, or activist activities have been cracked down afterwards while I was writing up the book, which is very sad, I still want to give people some hope based on what has happened before, and what would probably continue to flourish in the future.

  • Hyemin Lee takes the page 99 test

    December 1st, 2025

    Page 99 of my dissertation appears in a section exploring how immunity is communicated and understood across different domains of the Korean ginseng industry. The page opens with two revealing excerpts: one from a ginseng farmer and another from an agri-tech expert. Each excerpt offers distinct perspectives on what immunity means and why it matters for both cultivating and consuming this prized root. 

    In South Korea, immunity operates simultaneously as a folk concept and a scientific technology. For scientists, it serves as shorthand for the clinically validated health benefits attributed to Korean ginseng, backed by peer-reviewed research and laboratory data. For farmers, immunity represents not only the plant’s medicinal efficacy but also the embodied agricultural knowledge necessary to raise robust crops through careful attention to plants, seasonal timing, and cultivation techniques. For branding managers and marketing professionals, immunity becomes a culturally resonant concept that bridges traditional Korean medicine and modern wellness trends, making ginseng legible and desirable to diverse consumer audiences. 

    Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork conducted in South Korea between 2021 and 2023, my dissertation traces how various actors in the Korean ginseng industry, including government officials, scientists, farmers, and branding/marketing managers, translate scientific evidence of ginseng’s efficacy across different linguistic registers, professional contexts, and communicative modalities. These acts of translation, I argue, reveal shifting language ideologies that fundamentally shape how health, agriculture, and what is understood as Korean tradition are conceptualized and, crucially, made meaningful and communicable to both domestic and global publics. 

    Page 99 captures one essential piece of this larger analytical puzzle: the complex pathways through which immunity travels between scientific discourse, agricultural practice, and commercial branding. While this single page cannot represent the dissertation’s full scope, it exemplifies the productive tensions and unexpected overlaps that animate my broader analysis of ideologies of communicability, both expressed and implicit, in the Korean ginseng industry. 

    Lee, Hyemin. 2025. Evidence Doesn’t Speak For Itself: Translation, Communicability, and Scientization in the South Korean Ginseng Industry. New York University, Ph.D. 

  • John Durham Peters on his book with Ken Cmiel, Promiscuous Knowledge

    November 24th, 2025

    https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/P/bo45558255.html

    Robyn Taylor-Neu: So, my first question is pretty standard: how would you explain the overarching argument of the book?

    John Durham Peters: The overall argument of the book is probably inseparable from the process of how it came to be, but I’ll bracket that for now. The argument is that knowledge has always been leaky, has always exceeded its bounds, and that the history of knowledge—at least since the 17th century, which is the range that we’re looking at, with the closest focus on the 19th and 20th century—is a history of containers of various kinds such as peer review, images, encyclopedias, universities, institutional fields, Title IX rules. There are so many different ways of corralling this thing called knowledge. The obvious impetus for writing a book about promiscuous knowledge was the internet. I think it started when Ken Cmiel, my co-author, discovered that his mom had been looking online trying to diagnose her own heart condition. This was fairly early on in internet history, but he was kind of freaked out. What did it mean that she was getting mixed advice from certified experts and freelancers online? This concern has obviously ballooned in the age of authoritarian populism and internet “truthiness,” as Stephen Colbert would call it. 

    I don’t think we’re shrugging and saying, oh, knowledge has always been leaky, let a thousand flowers bloom. Rather, I think we’re trying to say: knowledge really matters, but you have to figure out its containers in each particular time or context.  In fact, you want containers to leak or at least open up.  This is a point made in a brilliant essay on container technologies by the Australian feminist Zoe Sofia from 25 years ago. We’re not throwing up our hands in a kind of postmodernist glee about promiscuous knowledge. It’s more ambivalent—an appreciation for new openings and a worry about expertise, gatekeeping, discerning true and false. 

    Robyn Taylor-Neu: I am curious about the form of the book—about what the form of the book does. You mention that Kenneth Cmiel’s vision was that “nothing but the cat’s grin” would remain, a kind of extreme reduction of facts. But you also mention that the book’s final form was much more than “just the grin.” So, the question: how to strike that balance between a proliferation of facts, many of them unruly or cacophonous, and the through-line (for me, the book has a very clear through-line). In other words: how does the book enact the kind of promiscuous knowledge that is also its subject? How to perform promiscuous knowledge without losing the plot?

    John Durham Peters: Such great questions. I’ll give a variety of responses. Ken’s vision of the kind of Cheshire catlike quality of his writing was kind of an absurdist, utopian horizon. Never trust artistic manifestos!  This was a manifesto of the sheer minimalism that he dreamed for the book—one he knew was impossible and would never happen. And you’re totally right that the book enacts this tension, perhaps most clearly in Chapters Two and Three. Chapter Two argues that the 19th century was an era of copious culture, of the thick overflow of fact. And it was a period in which otherwise very diverse spirits—Karl Marx, Frederick Douglass, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, William Graham Sumner—all reveled in the encyclopedic overflow of detail. Ken gives the example of Horace Greeley going to the London Crystal Palace exposition and coming back with pages and pages describing plows at a level of detail that for us seems utterly tedious. Chapter Three argues that modernism is less a question of fragmentation than of streamlining. This is one of Ken’s most interesting arguments.  Often when you think about modernist music, literature, and painting, you think of fragmentation. But there’s also Wittgenstein’s supremely austere early philosophy that famously ends in silence. Ken assembled all kinds of really interesting examples in the twenties and thirties—from taxidermy to Reader’s Digest to Georgia O’Keefe—where the interest is in synthesis, integration, cutting out all the overabundance. As a matter of cultural history, there is a big shift from 19th century abundance to early 20th century streamlining, but that’s also the tension of the book itself. 

    Any act of history writing has to make really agonizing decisions about how much evidence is necessary versus what kind of storyline needs to come out. I often tell my students that a scholarly project is like going on a hot air balloon ride. You need enough hot air to take off, but you need enough ballast to make sure you don’t go into the ozone layer. This book was a constant struggle with how to keep the hot air balloon from crashing to the ground with the weight of the facts and to keep it from floating off with the hot air. 

    Robyn Taylor-Neu: It reminded me somewhat of DeLillo’s Underworld. It’s also about interweaving without simplifying, suggesting a connecting pattern without reducing it to one thing. That novel is often described as maximalist. I wouldn’t say that Promiscuous Knowledge is fully maximalist, but the sidebars definitely feel like an offer of more, one more container to caress or exceed . . .

    John Durham Peters: Very good. The historical period is perhaps the ultimate container for historians, but Ken wanted the coverage to be spotty, jumping from the 1870s to the 1880s, the 1920s to the 1930s, and then 1975 to 2000. He left readers to infer what was missed. 

    Robyn Taylor-Neu: Here’s a predictable anthropologist question. I was especially intrigued by the discussion of Bateson and Mead and role that the National Cultures Project played in relation to what you describe as a broader embrace of “happy summary.” As you point out, the synecdochic understanding of “national culture” underwent many assaults and was heavily critiqued in the later 20th century, both from within anthropology and more broadly. But it also feels like, at the same time that the culture concept was critiqued, it migrated into all sorts of other domains. Would be fair to say that, in some sense, the culture concept (and maybe many other concepts) underwent a simultaneous denigration and overvaluation or proliferation, as was the case with the image? I’m thinking about how culture and cultural difference are now being mobilized in very different ways—ways that feel like a bizarro resurrection of the national culture concept. 

    John Durham Peters: I defer to you as an anthropologist to comment on culture, but in Promiscuous Knowledge we blithely declare that the idea of national culture is as dead as a doornail. We were mostly right within the academy, but totally wrong elsewhere if you think of culture wars or resurgent nationalisms of various kinds. Back to Benedict and Bateson (first time as theory, second time as farce). 

    Robyn Taylor-Neu: I certainly don’t want to speak for all anthropologists, but my sense is that other analytics have come to the fore. (Although Marshall Sahlins, for one, argues for the continued significance of culture.) As anthropologists have moved to other analytics, I wonder if there’s been a relinquishing of ground that’s left space for much cruder understandings of culture, or where “cultural difference” becomes a proxy for race or ethnicity.  I’m thinking of what’s happening in the UK right now, but also in Germany, in the US…

    John Durham Peters: Hungary, Israel, China, India, everywhere.

    Robyn Taylor-Neu: So, I don’t know whether some of the important critiques of monolithic, homogenous national culture have left a space for other kinds of resurgent nationalisms or simplifications—a return of synecdoche with a vengeance?

    John Durham Peters: Beautifully put. Do we like synecdoche or not? That’s the real question.  Ken did have a kind of fondness for mid-century synecdoche such as classical Hollywood cinema. He worried about the collapse of the national center, about people not being willing to pay taxes for the welfare of their fellow citizens. He thought we needed the synecdoche of national belonging to have an operative welfare state. You don’t want to break apart the abstraction of the nation state so thoroughly that people are just happy to say “I’m gonna keep mine,” which is very much what you see with Trumpism.

    Robyn Taylor-Neu: Yeah. I found this argument around the welfare state and around the erosion of solidarity compelling. And this is also where it becomes a kind of tragedy, right? While recognizing that these contestations were really important, there’s a melancholy… But when I say, “a return of synecdoche,” maybe it just looks like synecdoche and is some other kind of rhetorical figure…

    John Durham Peters: Bad synecdoche, your name is social media! You can sense a quorum with two or three people. One post (on Charlie Kirk or Palestine) can get you fired or deported.  Classic cases of parts substituting for wholes!  Social media platforms discourage statistical thinking (even while their code rests on it).  Readiness to take the part for the whole is really dangerous. And that’s exactly what Mark Zuckerberg and his ilk encourage with filter bubbles. 

    Robyn Taylor-Neu: Definitely. I recently read an essay called “Fascistic Dream Machines” in the LRB and the author’s discussion of attitudes towards AI-generated images and videos struck me as a kind of a return to a different kind of happy summary… or unhappy summary, maybe. I was fascinated by your discussions of images across different moments. There’s the large move from the synecdochic image towards proliferation and fragmentation—what we could call a diremption of the emblematic image (following Hayden White). But there are earlier moments where you show many other ways to think about images. Could you say more about how the book recasts the relation between images and truth or putative reality? How is the book shifting or pushing against a simplified understanding of images as either having a kind of simple indexical relation to the real or no connection at all?

    John Durham Peters: Gina Giotta’s sidebar on airbrushing in chapter 2 shows that intervention in the photographic process is itself coeval with photography itself.  The very first photograph has no people—it is an image of erasure, not of inscription. Daguerre’s process erased the sky and everything moving, except for one guy standing there on a sunny Paris morning getting his shoes shined. In the history of so-called realistic image making, we need to think inscription and fabrication side by side.  You can’t say that the image is the real thing.  For one thing, it’s much smaller than the streets of Paris. There’s much interest in a kind of consubstantiality, an indexical kind of tracing of the real, but photography has always involved craft and forgery. And even though Promiscuous Knowledge takes pains in chapter 4 to show a wide variety of photographic practices, we claim that you can still see a kind of family resemblance that allows you to contrast historical moments.  Today, for instance, it’s next to impossible to produce an iconic photograph.  Images just don’t resonate as they once did and it’s not just because of AI and Photoshop. It is just much harder to have a synecdochic picture that sums up everything.  Unless you’re an authoritarian declaring what it all (supposedly) adds up to—and even then, the pronouncements only hold as long as the next tweet or post. 

    Robyn Taylor-Neu: One of the sidebars that felt like a view onto a different understanding of images was the one about the Dutch still-life paintings. You describe the coexistence of different times in those works as a kind of montage—it’s almost cinematic, right, how the seasonally different flowers all appear in one painting?  I found that really fascinating as a departure from the usual discussions of photographic realism and indexicality. The Dutch still-life example felt to me like a really nice kind of counterpoint to that (somewhat exhausted) discourse.

    John Durham Peters: Sergei Eisenstein had the great idea of vertical montage: superimposing different images within rather than between frames. 

    Robyn Taylor-Neu: Right! And vertical montage also relates to the interleaving of sound, movement, image—all the modalities at once! Okay, last question. The project struck me as untimely in many ways, both in the sense of cutting across multiple times and seeking to “grasp the times by thinking against them” (to paraphrase Wendy Brown). There’s also the haunt of untimeliness: one cannot write fast enough to keep up with the times (and probably one shouldn’t). But as I was reading, I kept being struck by elements that resonate now, regardless their provenance—the 17th century or the early 20th century or the late 20th century.  There’s so much that feels super resonant with things I’ve been thinking about that are happening now.  How do you think about this book’s untimeliness or timeliness and where it pushes us, where it leaves us?

    John Durham Peters: It’s always an exercise in constellation. Or a political and ethical question about how to build a relationship between past and present.  You’re always taking positions on grounds that are constantly shifting. Walter Benjamin’s great last essay on the philosophy of history famously contrasts two modes of history writing. One is a kind of chronicler of serial events, one thing after the other. The other he calls the historical materialist who intervenes in history and can produce simultaneities across time.  That’s really my secret goal, to produce simultaneity across time.  Simultaneity across space, of course, is one of the classic definitions of modernity: you can be in Berlin and New York and Shanghai at the same time thanks to a planetary telegraphic grid.  Benjamin calls this discovery of past relevance “Messianic time” or Jetztzeit.

    Robyn Taylor-Neu: That’s where he talks about the Katzensprung (cat’s leap)—no, the Tigersprung (tiger’s leap) through time?

    John Durham Peters: Yes!  Part of the strategy to end the book in 2000, rather than try to take it up to the present, was to reach for a somewhat stable moment.  Although, you know the old joke of Zhou Enlai? Someone asked him what he thought of the French Revolution and he said, “too early to tell.” History’s never done. We never know what’s coming. A packrat copious mentality banks up material against future relevance—there’s the temptation to stockpile an overflow of factual ballast again.  But the idea that we can discover history “wie es eigentlich gewesen” is clearly something that this book renounces. This book is explicitly creative and open about taking positions and looking for wormholes, looking for connections between past and present, creating them. 

    Robyn Taylor-Neu: Maybe this was implicit in my question about form—this constant dialectical impulse in the form of the book, mirrored in the tension in photography between artifice and realism (if one can even keep those things as two poles). I do feel that so many aspects of the book felt dangerously resonant… 

    John Durham Peters: Yes please!   

    Robyn Taylor-Neu: Well, maybe all resonance is potentially dangerous! Specifically, I see a kind of return of summary, but not a happy summary. You can’t find a thing on Google that doesn’t give you the AI summary first.

    John Durham Peters: I guess the perverse return of summary can be banal and annoying as well as dangerous. 

    Robyn Taylor-Neu: Well, thank you. I think we’re at the pumpkin mark. 

    John Durham Peters: I’m curious if you have any questions about the process the untimeliness of writing with someone who died a long time ago.

    Robyn Taylor-Neu: That was definitely part of the question. But I didn’t want to ask directly because I didn’t want that aspect to overshadow what the book does in itself. Your conclusion is very moving and from what you say, it felt to me like Ken was someone that anybody would be incredibly lucky to know and learn from and be in conversation with.

    John Durham Peters: Yeah, very true. 

    Robyn Taylor-Neu: And your discussion of inheriting his library! I really enjoyed the whole book.

    John Durham Peters: Thank you. It’s such a joy to talk to you, just in general, but to have a good reader of the book, because you can imagine how a book appearing in March of 2020 fell with such a thud. People had other things on their mind.  Talk about an untimely birth!  So, it just basically vanished as far as I can tell. 

    Robyn Taylor-Neu: I think many things that came out in that one or two year period just sort of disappeared.  But reading it now, it feels especially resonant. So many of the threads opened up in different chapters feel like they come together in different knottings here and now. You say somewhere towards the end that if this had been just your book, it probably would’ve had more about the technological systems working behind our backs. That feels like something that is clearer now than in 2000 or even in 2020.

    John Durham Peters: Totally! Thank you for the conversation. 

  • Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz on her book, Mapping Goffman’s Invisible College

    November 17th, 2025

    https://www.mediastudies.press/pub/nb-mapping-goffman

    Interview by Erving Goffman’s ghost, on the assumption that he would have had opinions about this research

    Erving Goffman: Why, when I stated multiple times during my life that the goal was to study sociology and not sociologists, did you even write this book?

    Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz: I should clarify at the start that I did not set out to write this book. In fact, my goal was not to study your life so much as your ideas. Lots of others have written about your ideas (and your life), but there has been surprisingly little concern about the context within which those ideas were developed. I have previously published on several aspects of disciplinary history, including on “The role of theory groups in the lives of ideas.” So, it made sense to me to sort out more than had been written previously about the invisible college you built. And, of course, once I started, the project just grew.

    Originally, I was asked to present a paper in honor of the 100th anniversary of your birth; once that was published in Portuguese, I wanted an English version to publish as well. The original presentation was short, including only a few projects, and focusing on a few colleagues, all based at the University of Pennsylvania. But once I got started, I kept learning more, both about other projects at Penn, involving a much larger number of colleagues across many disciplines, and also about projects in which you had been involved before or concurrent with your time at Penn.

    Erving Goffman: How, given that I did not deposit my papers anywhere, did you even do this research?

    Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz: First, I was a graduate student at Penn across the years you were based there and so knew some things that were not generally discussed or written about by others. That was enough to get me started. Second, even though you did not donate your papers to any archive, many of your colleagues did. Just to list a few examples: Dell Hymes, Virginia Hymes, Sol Worth, Ward Goodenough, Anthony Wallace, and Henry Glassie, all of whom overlapped with you at Penn; Allen Grimshaw, Thomas Sebeok, and Richard Bauman at Indiana; Alan Dundes at Berkeley; Everett Hughes and David Schneider at Chicago. And these days, it is quite easy to use digital guides posted online to discover what archive has what materials. In addition, several people have published details about what was happening in projects that involved you, such as John Szwed in writing about the Center for Urban Ethnography, when he described the way in which you helped him write up the original grant proposal. And, in a few cases, I conducted interviews to clarify details that were not described elsewhere.

    Erving Goffman: Given that you did all this research, what did you actually learn?

    Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz: Well, I learned some things about you, as well as some things about Penn, invisible colleges, multi- vs. interdisciplinarity, and disciplinary history generally.

    About you: I had not known the role you played in early sociolinguistics, even though I thought I knew something about that topic. I never would have named you as a sociolinguist before this research, but you were “in the room” for multiple critical early steps in the development of that research strand. I learned about the surprisingly large group of people with whom you collaborated in various ways over decades, and the ways in which people who are not generally recognized as a theory group (or even overlapping theory groups) worked together, not once, but on a series of projects, some more and some less successful. While the fact that theory groups need both intellectual and organizational leadership had been pointed out previously by others, your frequent role as what you labeled a “carper” (what others more typically call a respondent), had not been documented. Your ability to synthesize what had been learned as the result of a conference, and to outline the next steps, was impressive, and shows up a surprising number of times. Again, this was not something previously noted by prior authors. It did, however, show a way to help move ideas along significantly without being the organizer of an event (although you also played that role far more often than previously acknowledged.) You looked beyond disciplinary boundaries for the best and the brightest stars – and they were all happy to work with you.

    More generally: I learned not only something about invisible colleges (especially the ways in which they can be built up gradually, with overlapping sets of members engaging in multiple projects) but also about the differences between multi- and interdisciplinary projects. I was surprised by the fact that more of the latter were successful than the former (something meriting further study in other contexts).

    About Penn: I knew that Penn was a wonderful graduate school for me, but through this project I discovered just how much the administration explicitly encouraged interdisciplinarity, both for faculty members and students. And just how successful some of the projects they supported turned out to be. The scholars who participated in the projects described in the book were willing to ask questions beyond the obvious topics for the disciplines in which they had been trained, and/or into which they had been hired.

    About failure: As one of the projects described in detail (the Multiple Analysis Project, or MAP, sponsored by Grimshaw at Indiana, not someone at Penn) failed in most ways – eventually completed, it took decades and by the time it was published, no one cared – that serves as a fascinating example of just how much we can learn from failure. The implication is that we ought to study failure more often – if nothing else, it might be a way to ensure more successes.

    About disciplinary history: I had used archives previously, but this project reiterated how important it is to look at contemporary documentation rather than making assumptions or accepting received wisdom. It is only when all the pieces are put together—publications and unpublished reports, agendas and meeting minutes, interviews and correspondence—that the full story is most likely to be understood.

    Finally, the project reiterated for me that ideas do not stand on their own. They cannot be generated, discussed, or transmitted except through the agency of not one but multiple people. Even brilliant ideas, even yours.

    Erving Goffman: Granted you have learned some things. But who will care? Who will make the time to read it, and why should they bother?

    Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz: It is absolutely true that an astonishing number of books about you and your work already have been published at this point, so perhaps it is unlikely anyone will want to read yet another. Yet perhaps the fact that your story so clearly demonstrates how invisible colleges work, and how interdisciplinarity works, and how ideas are shared and expanded through a network of scholars, will be what convinces people to make time for it. For me, better understanding why we study the things we do, in the ways we take for granted, explains much of why I make time to study disciplinary history.

  • Dozandri Mendoza takes the pg. 99 test

    November 10th, 2025

    “This exhibition was not aimed at inviting people into the Ballroom space as that’s not my responsibility, but to share some of the aesthetic tools from the culture and teach folks how to ethically engage with Ballroom from the community understandings of interaction I had come to learn through my own engagement.”

    This quote is from a longer vignette that spills onto page 99 of the dissertation, right in the middle of an outlined genealogy of artistic experimentation and training that led me develop a method for my dissertation I call the ethnographic kiki — an emergent performance-based ethnographic method that became crucial to my dissertation’s focus on genre, the semiotic meaning-capacity of the dancing body, and anti-colonial discourses in Puerto Rico’s queer/trans Ballroom scene. In Ballroom, kikis or kiki balls are smaller, intimate performance and competition spaces, made to have a low-pressure environment for people to explore their artistic skills and cultural socialization.

    As someone who became a performer-participant in Puerto Rico’s Ballroom scene as I began to explore the category Face after encouragement from friends and members of the scene, this quote reflects the type of ethnographic refusal (Simpson 2009) that I tried to curate through the writing of the larger project. How could one write about a space they were invited into without subjecting it to the violent colonial optics of capture and recording that are so often part of the ethnographic method – especially in discourse-oriented sociocultural linguistic traditions? I was inspired by Vidali (2020)’s work on ethnographic theater, where I could adapt a performance-based approach to the kiki format of Ballroom culture, where knowledge production lied in the outcomes of dancing and interacting with the audience that could not be easily replicated on the page. What results is a method of data collection in my writing where I patchworked together vignettes and journal notes of my reflections on proprioception in dance, interactions during battle rounds of Ballroom categories, discussions on Puerto Rican diaspora in Ballroom, and just a few pictures and curated moments that my interlocutors allowed me to share.

    Despite the profound theorization the kiki allowed me to exercise, the ball and Puerto Rican Ballroom themselves remain relatively opaque (Glissant 1997) in the dissertation, honoring a type of commitment to Ballroom’s call to not continue the widespread appropriation of its semiotic repertoire without ethical engagement with its artistic and political traditions on its own terms. I can tell you a lot about my own experience learning to perform cuntiness, but to truly be cunty you will have to find a Ballroom scene, build those relationships, and do the historical and kinesthetic homework to let it transform your understanding of gender, the body, and trans diasporic cultural production.

    Édouard Glissant. 1997. Poetics of Relation. Translated by Betsy Wing. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.

    Audra Simpson. 2007.  “On ethnographic refusal: Indigeneity, ‘voice’ and colonial citizenship.” Junctures: the journal for thematic dialogue.

    Debra Vidali. 2020.  “Ethnographic theater making: Multimodal alchemy, knowledge, and invention.” American Anthropologist, 122, no. 2: 394-409.

    Dozandri Mendoza. 2025. Dando Cunt and Walking with the Transcestrxs: The Semiotics of Puerto Rican Ballroom Performance. University of California, Santa Barbara, PhD.

  • Maria Sonevytsky on her book, Tantsi

    November 3rd, 2025

    https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/vopli-vidopliassovas-tantsi-9781501363115/

    Ifigeneia Gianne: What is the central focus and argument of your book on Tantsi, and why did you select this album as an ethnographic lens for Ukraine’s late Soviet cultural history?

    Maria Sonevytsky: In 2019, I was approached by the editor of the 33 1/3 Europe series, Fabian Holt, and asked whether I would pitch an idea for the series based on a Ukrainian album. That’s the conceit of the 33 1/3 series – each short book is dedicated to one album. I was excited by the invitation but then confronted a small crisis: what album should be (at least for the foreseeable future), the representativeUkrainian album represented in the series?

    Honestly, my first thought, which I thought was too idiosyncratic to take seriously, was VV’s Tantsi, if only because of my longstanding fascination with the title song and accompanying music video: I simply wanted to know more about this strange artifact and to understand the late Soviet social world from which it emerged a little better. But then I listed all the amazing Ukrainian albums I love. I crowdsourced on social media and among friends. I debated with myself and some of them about the downsides of picking something as obscure as Tantsi, when I could have picked something much more mainstream and/or contemporary, like the Ukrainian rapper Alyona Alyona’s debut album Pushka (2019), or the “ethno-chaos” band DakhaBrakha’s Light (2010), or even the important Ukrainian rock band Okean Elzy’s Model (2001) or Gloria (2005). And then I considered Soviet Ukrainian albums I love, like The Marenych Trio’s 1979 record (the Peter, Paul, and Mary of Ukrainian state-sanctioned folklore), or the cosmic folk trio Golden Keys (Золоті Ключі) and their Soviet-era recordings, or the amazing from-the-vault reissues put out by labels like the Kyiv-based Shukai. In short, it felt weighty to settle on one.

    At the same time, I had already put out feelers to VV’s original band members and started to see that this research might be possible—while not everyone associated with the band at that time was willing to speak to me, many people, including the lead singer and original bass player, were. I was on sabbatical in Kyiv with my family that year, and was falling freshly in love with that amazing city. The Tantsi idea also became a way to focus on Kyiv as a dynamic urban space in late Soviet society. And then I had a moment of researcher’s serendipity in which a late Soviet map of the Kyiv Underground fell practically into my lap out of a random encounter on the street (I write about this in the book). That map, made by Ukraine’s foremost rock journalist at the time, superimposes the network of late Soviet rock, jazz, punk, and indie bands onto a map of the literal Kyiv Metro. I realized I needed a lot of help to decode it, just to orient myself. So that sent me down the first deep rabbit hole, but also helped me justify my choice. VV was depicted as the central node in the network of lines of musical-aesthetic influence on the map. If they were so central to this Kyiv Underground, maybe the choice wasn’t so idiosyncratic after all.

    It’s funny because the individual who demystified that map for me more than anyone else, Oleksandr Rudiachenko—who had been an influential newspaper editor in the 1980s and instrumental in the Tantsi cassette’s circulation through the Kyiv Underground—told me in an early conversation that I was making the wrong choice by choosing Tantsi. He worried that I had failed to select an album that would do Ukrainian music justice. But now, having written the book, I see how Tantsi also allowed me—as a Cold War kid—to revisit the 1980s, and to make sense of a part of Ukrainian cultural history not yet explored deeply in scholarship. Tantsi is more than just the story of an odd and hastily recorded semi-illicit cassette album that traveled through networks of late Soviet nonconformists; it is a monument to a time and place that is so often misrepresented along stark or reductive Cold War imaginaries.  It was a moment inhabited by people who faced historically specific constraints, and acted in novel ways within and against them.

    Ultimately Tantsi pulled me more strongly than anything on my list because I wanted to attempt to humanize that late Soviet period by exploring what I saw as weird and cool people and their weird and cool Kyivan scene. So the choice was also subjective: I liked the music and band’s affect. I also wanted to evaluate how those last years of the Soviet experiment in Ukraine are remembered today. Tantsi became the focal point for triangulating among the rather scattered Soviet historical accounts of this scene (the fragments that exist in official archives and the more robust informal archives created by fans), against the first-hand recollections of people who were there at the time; and to interpret how volatile memory politics complicate the picture. Of course, the Russian full-scale invasion of 2022, which occurred while I was about 75% of the way through the first full draft, surfaced difficult questions about which leg of that methodological stool to lean on: how to evaluate the scattered archives against the current testimonies, especially now that the question of Russian revanchist imperialism was on the forefront of everyone’s mind.

    Ifigeneia Gianne: In paraphrasing the band’s declaration, “Ok fine, we will dance, but we will do it in our ungovernable way,” (p. 5) you foreground a tension between embodied joy and political resistance. How do you understand this unruliness, not only as a musical aesthetic, but as a cultural stance, emerging within the specific post-Soviet moment? To what extent might Tantsi be read as enacting a form of sonic sovereignty through its genre-bending performance?

    Maria Sonevytsky: I often think of the line that Sashko Pipa, VV’s bass player and (in my view) chief philosopher in the 1980s, repeated to me: “We simply made the music we wanted to hear.” The Soviet 1980s were characterized by so many governmental reforms and not-always-durable constraints—rules that seemed to change weekly and often arbitrarily, as I was told by a VV superfan at the time—that these young creative punks brilliantly played against them, to great and often hilarious effect. The Soviet Party-State in the mid 1980s was a gerontocracy. It maintained a sclerotic censorship regime and had declared a War on Rock that identified neofascist themes and images in Western bands like AC/DC, 10cc, and Sparks. It had its Leninist Youth League, the Komsomol, sponsor ideologically correct dance parties at government-controlled Houses of Culture, and it expected dutiful Soviet youth to attend these discotheques where they would dance, I suppose, in an ideologically correct way.

    The song “Tantsi” ludicrously skewers these expectations placed upon young people by the state – the song is an over-the-top fantasy of dancing at the House of Culture after a long hard week of work. In the music video, the band members dance in their raucous way, juxtaposing their manic movement against scenes of the band standing stock still, shoulder-to-shoulder in a line. In the video, and in live performances at the time, they would bring out familiar signage in the form of the agitprop parade banner, but instead of a Soviet political slogan, the banner read “dances” (tantsi). The effect is classic stiob, a form of late Soviet satire written about perhaps most influentially by Alexei Yurchak in Everything Was Forever, Until It Was No More, his study of the last (mostly Russian) Soviet generation. Stiob, a form of extreme satire that works by overidentifying with its target, is meant to blur the lines between complicity and protest. “Tantsi” the song, and many of the songs on Tantsi the album—“There Were Days,” “Politrok,” “Polonyna,” etc.—do this expertly, perfecting the art of total stiob.

    VV and their allies did not think, at the time, that they were enacting any deliberate kind of politics. Even in interviews done in 2020, and 2022, people laughed if I asked this too pointedly: “was this the music of resistance?” It is of course a romantic idea—rock as resistance is a Cold War trope—but I was struck by how everyone I interviewed sought to nuance that idea, or rejected it out of hand. Some people reflected that their awareness of the political effect of the music came later, as new frames emerged in the post-Soviet 1990s that allowed them to reinterpret what they had been doing back then—whether within what we could call decolonizing frameworks (for many, this was the rather personal confrontation with internalized inferiority instilled through Soviet Russo-supremacy), within emergent civic nationalist frameworks, or in the new political economic frames afforded through the explosion of wild capitalism and commercial music industries. In the conclusion, I refer to their politics across these temporal frames as “accidental anti-imperialism.”

    The band members of VV, and the allies and fans that surrounded them, were not particularly fearful of the state. This was not the Stalinist 1940s. Yes, one of Ukraine’s brightest poetic lights, Vasyl Stus, died in a labor camp in 1985 at the age of 47, but most Ukrainians at the time did not know that because the state suppressed such information. Yes, the Chernobyl nuclear reactor had irradiated much of Ukraine and Belarus and displaced some of its population in April 1986, but to the punks, this confirmed the state officials’ incompetence and hypocrisy; these were not the people leading contemporary so-called eco-nationalist movements in Ukraine. The members of VV and the Kyiv Underground tusovska went to the Balka black market to trade in illicit records expecting, almost ritualistically,that it would be broken up by the police every week. They went anyway and spotted their young hip professors there; they saw their friends from the shows and the cafes; they found the music they wanted to hear there. Yes, they thought the state was irredeemably corrupt, but they also thought it was feckless.

    If we read Tantsi as enacting some kind of incipient “sonic sovereignty” in the 1980s, we can appreciate the range of ways in which this music was received in its time and place: while many cultural elites dismissed or decried it as punk grotesque, or as demeaning to Ukrainian culture, others recognized it as exorcising the demons of a colonized subjectivity, of the inferiority complex instilled by centuries of Russocentric messaging that overtly or obliquely demeaned the Ukrainian language and questioned the legitimacy of Ukrainian identity and culture —as the future culture minister of post-Soviet Ukraine, Ivan Dzyuba, reportedly did. Dzyuba perceived the punk satire of the Tantsi music video to be a valuable step in Ukrainian culture’s emergence from centuries of structurally unfavorable comparison to culture produced in the Russian imperial metropoles. It is easy now to assume that this was a dominant position at the time, but I try in the book to take seriously what people who were there then told me: this was about revealing hypocrisy and reveling in the creative possibilities that the contradictoriness of daily life afforded much more than it was about attempting to bring about a change in political conditions. This was something more elemental for many young punks. As Eugene Hütz—then a teenaged VV superfan, now the frontman of Gogol Bordello, poignantly explained to me over a series of conversations—VV allowed for a kind of shared recognition: this irreverent punk display, with its hybrid language and its murky Ukrainian themes and its obscure messaging and its sense of humor, is ours.

    Ifigeneia Gianne: You reflect on growing up in the Ukrainian diaspora and describe the affective dissonance between a romanticized Ukraine and the country you came to know through fieldwork. How did that personal and diasporic vantage point shape your approach to the album and your interpretation of its cultural significance?

    Maria Sonevytsky: In graduate school, I first read Sherry Ortner’s famous essay that asserts that ethnography attempts to apprehend social worlds “using the self—as much of it as possible—as the instrument of knowing.” That formulation remains an anchor point for me, it confronts a core instability in our scholarly accounts that simultaneously contributes to the truthfulness of what we do as anthropologists. So yes, my position vis-à-vis the object of study is always something I want to foreground, so that the reader has some sense of who the self is that mediates the knowing in any given project.

    In this book, I write in the opening pages about how astonished I was when I first heard the song “Tantsi,” and later again when I saw the video, because it fundamentally shook up the gray-scale imaginary I had of late Soviet Kyiv—it infused the scene with vivid color (even though the music video is in black and white!). I was born in 1981 into a family of political refugees from Soviet power, who appreciated Reagan’s tough stance against the “evil empire.” From early childhood, I was inculcated with a strong sense of my Ukrainian heritage, of my duty to this imaginary elsewhere. I possessed a dual sense of this Ukrainian elsewhere: on one hand, it was a place of radiant beauty, endless sunflower fields, folk songs, a halcyon and mythical homeland, round dances, freedom-loving anti-imperial fighters, potato dumplings that we called varenyki instead of pierogies, a place proud of its 19th century poet-hero who rose from serfdom to articulate an ideal of democratic statehood. Second, it was a place sucked bone-dry through cycles of repression, Russian domination, mass violence, and Soviet hypocrisy. This vision of Soviet Ukraine was of a captive society; it was thuggish, corrupted, gray.

    When I started to travel to Ukraine—first, as a child with my family; then independently, as a teenager; and eventually as a researcher—I was always negotiating between these two incommensurate visions. How to square my beloved aunt’s warm recollections of being a competitive cyclist in the Soviet 1960s if everything was always so sad and hopeless? How to make sense of the conviviality of people I encountered in all regions of the country if social life had really been so stunted, so shot through with fear? The “Tantsi” song and video was a kind of evidence that, even as I was growing up on the other side of the Cold War superpower line, there were people familiar to me who had been making noise in Soviet Ukraine. I wanted to know more.

    Ifigeneia Gianne: Given the current context of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, and the fact that Tantsi was reissued in 2023, how did the experience of writing and publishing this book during wartime affect how you understood the stakes of the project? Did your interpretations, methods, or sense of what was at stake shift in light of these events?

    Maria Sonevytsky: As I mentioned earlier, this presented a real methodological challenge. I did not want current events and the understandable emotion associated with them to overtake my analysis. I began the research in 2019, and by late February of 2022, I had completed practically all of the research. But I did reopen conversations to take stock of whether, how, and to what degree, the full-scale invasion might prompt new interpretations of the moment in history that Tantsi represents. Personally speaking, the full-scale invasion knocked all the wind out of the project for me initially. It felt pointless to write a book like this when Ukraine’s survival as an entity distinct from Russia was in question. I turned my attention elsewhere for a while. But after a few months, some of my interviewees—one of whom, I remember, was by then living as a refugee in Germany—started checking in on the project, wanting to know when it would be done. This motivated me to pick it back up; if it mattered to them, it should matter to me.

    The plan to reissue—or really issue, for the first time, formally—the Tantsi album had been in the works since 2020, when Sashko Pipa alerted me to the existence of the master tape from the 1989 session, and I located a label (the wonderful Org Music, based in the US) interested in putting it out. Oleg Skrypka, the lead singer of the band back then and now, gave permission for the remastering to happen, even though he had doubts about the value of the record, since it was made before the band had access to a proper recording studio or high-quality equipment.

    It was in the winter and spring of 2022 that we were actively translating the lyrics. I worked on that most intensively with Sashko Pipa as I was in the Hudson Valley, he was in Kyiv. After late February, Pipa generously gave his time (in between air raid alerts, electricity outages, and his volunteer work in territorial defense and drone-building operations) to debate how to best capture the nuances of 1980s jargon—I remember we cracked up trying to render some of the playful obscenities—in translation. I worried that I was asking too much, but Pipa reassured me that this collaboration was giving him a sense of normalcy during a time of intense violence in the city and acute uncertainty for Ukrainians facing Russian aggression.

    For me, it has been gratifying to see the instances where Tantsi has been accepted as a small but significant contribution to fleshing out the late Soviet Ukrainian social world. Because the album is so emblematic of its time, I think it resists being easily co-opted into present-day wartime narratives that dehumanize both victims and perpetrators, even as I sympathize especially with Ukrainian rage at the present circumstances. Tantsi is proudly, almost freakishly, Ukrainian, but it is also enmeshed in global popular music histories that traverse the West-East divide, Soviet imperial relationships, changes in the political economic order, and the apparently perennial will of young people to make culture anew.

  • Roxanne Varzi on her new book, Silent Scream

    October 27th, 2025

    https://bookshop.org/a/100347/9798988684404

    Sherine Hamdy: Roxanne, I can’t believe the sequel to Death in a Nutshell is already here! As you know, I was a huge fan, but I think I loved this one even more. 

    Roxanne Varzi: Thanks, Sherine!!

    Sherine Hamdy: This time our intrepid anthropology graduate student Alex is starting a new field project in Oslo, Norway, with a lot of funny nods – winks? – to Nordic noir. So my first question – why Norway? 

    Oslo, Bjørvika, Photo: Roxanne Varzi

    Roxanne: The beauty, the light! (It’s a photographer’s dreamscape) The serenity and Scandi culture – I taught in Sweden almost twenty years ago in the UC Education Abroad program in Lund and traveled to Copenhagen. I loved Scandinavia and wanted to return. I was going to England to meet with folks researching dyslexia and found a flight through Oslo. So I asked my friend Paige West who had spent some time in Norway to introduce me to cool anthropologists there and she introduced me to Thorgeir Kolshus, one of the coolest anthropologists in Norway and Head of the Department of Anthropology at the University of Oslo. 

    He invited me to stop by and do a multimodal workshop at the University of Oslo. I loved it and decided to go back for my sabbatical. I was both scouting a new fieldsite and doing a sound project on climate change. Soon my real project became my protagonist’s fictional project and Alex, my protagonist, took over my project in Oslo! I was actually in the middle of writing Armchair Anthropology Book Two which takes place in California (and will now be Book Three).

    Sherine: Thorgeir? Any chance he inspired your character of Thorvald, the anthropologist who knows about burial practices in Melanesia?

    Roxanne: Thorvald is a fictional character! Your first guess was an American retiree from our department! Which goes to show he’s a composite character! Every reader will have their guess! 

    Sherine: Okay, that’s fair! The first scene begins with your characters bobbing up and down to silence …at a church in Oslo. How did you come up with the idea of a silent disco night? 

    Roxanne: I was at dinner with friends in Oslo and their son was headed out to a silent disco. I’d never heard of it before and he was kind enough to fill me in. A month later there was a silent disco at a large sauna near where I was staying. It was past my bedtime, but, you know: “anything for research!” I literally got back out of bed, dressed and trudged along the Fjord to the disco spot to “research” it. 

    Sherine: Edward Munch, famous for his painting The Scream; the playwright Henrik Ibsen, and children’s book author Roald Dahl all make appearances in your book, as important Norwegian creators (I’d never known Roald Dahl was originally Norwegian!). Why is it important for your character Alex to reflect on the lives and works of Munch, Dahl, and Ibsen? 

    Roxanne: I’m a big believer in using theories and philosophies from the field. I don’t like importing theorists to explain another culture. With Iran I used Hegel, because he’s considered the Rumi of the West by Iranians, but I also used Ibn Arabi, Attar. Theory and philosophy is part of doing fieldwork. I lived across the street from the Munch Museum in Oslo so Munch was omnipresent for me, part of my Oslo landscape. And Dahl was my Dyslexia example from the field so it worked out really well! There’s an element of serendipity to writing these mysteries that I love–like Jack Horner [in the first book] was a character, and also as a person with dyslexia. Aside from that I’ve always loved Munch. He was a writer as much as a painter and when I saw his notebooks at the Munch museum in Oslo I knew he was someone whose life I wanted to delve into deeper. 

    Munch Museum, Oslo, photo: Roxanne Varzi

    Munch’s tea kettle, photo Roxanne Varzi

    Sherine: Themes of neurodiversity continue in this book – one of the most heart wrenching parts of the book for me to read wasn’t about the slain victim, but when Alex overhears other graduate students in her cohort talking about her learning disability, and questioning her right to even be in a PhD program if she has dyslexia. While Alex was drawn to creating miniature sites as a form of visual ethnography in the first book, in this one she takes up sound ethnography. What do you think is the relationship between experimentation in the academy, multi-modality, and neurodiversity?

    Roxanne: Great question!!! First, there is the fact of non-linear thinking and finding alternative ways of doing things. And Dyslexia comes with enormous gifts and strengths, what Brock and Fernette Eide call MIND strengths: M for material reasoning or 3d and spatial reasoning, I for interconnected reasoning or big picture thinking, N for narrative reasoning (my favourite, and what makes Alex a great detective. She has the ability to construct a connected series of mental scenes from past personal experiences, to recall the past, understand the present, or create imaginary scenes. And the D is for dynamic reasoning – connecting elements of the past to predict the future, which, again, fits perfectly with detective work. That’s also where paleontologists [like Jack Horner, Book 1] with dyslexia have a major advantage!  Multimodality allows practitioners to work in their areas of strength. So, if someone is better at 3d spatial reasoning, then a diorama makes sense. If someone excels in narrative reasoning – why not write a murder mystery? Not only does this allow us to make data and research more accessible for people with learning disabilities, but these works are also more accessible to the general public, who didn’t go through the training that we did to read theory and research – or in other words, academese. This is why I loved coming across Robert Frost’s words about professorial writing.  

    Sherine: I know you are referring to a quote in the book, but I think it is worth citing in full here. Can you tell us the whole quote you are talking about?

    Roxanne: Sure, I was going down a proverbial rabbit hole on the sound of language. I had read Frost’s correspondences before, and when I went back to them, there he was promoting poetic writing.

    Frost says: 

    Just so many sentence sounds belong to man as just so many vocal runs belong to one kind of bird. We come into the world with them and create none of them. What we feel as creation is only selection and grouping. We summon them from Heaven knows where under excitement with the audile [audial] imagination. And unless we are in an imaginative mood it is no use trying to make them, they will not rise. We can only write the dreary kind of grammatical prose known as professorial.

    And Alex replies, “God save us from professorial…”

    Since graduate school I have been trying to avoid academese. It’s a form of gate-keeping and my mission was not to preach to the choir from the Ivory/Ivy tower. My mission has always been education and advocacy. 

    Sherine: You’ve definitely accomplished that here! You also continue with the format you established in the series’ first book, of including Alex’s fieldnotes as a way to communicate anthropological ideas and theory. How did you approach the fieldnotes sections differently this time around?

    Roxanne: This time, I experimented more with form. In addition to the field notes, I used  conversations on text messaging, Facetime, and good old-fashioned letter writing. Part of the difference was driven by the fact that two of the characters from the first book were not with Alex in Norway and I wanted them to be there.

    Sherine: You mean Will and Kit?

    Roxanne: Yes, and as so much of the lives of students with disabilities, including Alex’s life,  revolve around assistive technology, I wanted to expose the struggle of writing, (she has dysgraphia which is common for folks with dyslexia) and the extensive use of notes, dictations and texts. I wanted Kit to continue to advise her and be there as a bestie. Their relationship is a wonderful melding of neurotypical and neurodiverse people complementing each other. 

    Also, with Jack Horner, in the first book, I began writing him in as a paleontologist before I learned that he has dyslexia. This book also had a fun moment with another public figure whom I met by accident and later found out has Dyslexia. I showed a random portrait of a man to someone in the anthropology department who misidentified the person as Terje Nicolaisen. I looked Terje up hoping to share my portrait and found myself fascinated by his work. I asked if I could visit his studio and our meeting there pretty much is exactly what Alex experienced when she went to meet him – which involved a long discussion about handwriting, dysgraphia and dyslexia. I told him about Alex and my Oslo mystery and he brought out all of his notebooks!! 

    Terje Nicolaisen  Photo: Roxanne Varzi

    Sherine: Well, if Terje showed his notes – I wonder if you could show us yours? What do fieldnotes for a sound ethnography within a murder mystery look like?

    Roxanne: Here’s a note from my own research –you can see my own dysgraphia on full display along with coffee stains (Norway has amazing coffee!) These are what my field notes look like!!! 

    Sherine: To go back to the multimodality theme – your first book was like a (fun!) primer on visual anthropology, and this time we are learning about sound ethnography, and the concept of time. Why did you choose to do sound for this book?

    Roxanne: I was standing in this amazing cultural space, Kulturkirken Jacob with its longtime director, Erik Hillestad and I was telling him about my adaptation of the Shakespeare play Twelfth Night. I was thinking it would be the perfect place to put on the play. I always have 1 million projects going on at the same time and somehow the idea of sound and music in that space got lodged into my head – the next thing I knew, I was placing Alex at a silent disco there.

    Kulturkirken Jacob  Photo: Roxanne Varzi

    Sherine: What do you most want readers to take away in this introduction to sound anthropology?

    Roxanne: With each book, I want to show the many sensory ways of knowing. The lack of noise during the pandemic was a profound reminder of the degrees to which sound affects us –and I wanted to look at how that plays out in different ways…without revealing a spoiler, I’ll simply say, sound or the lack thereof can be dangerous.

    From roof of Oslo Opera House Photo: Roxanne Varzi

    Sherine: While the first book had more of an emphasis, on dyslexia, this one has a greater focus on ADHD and attention. The theme of attention is related to time – how it is spent, who controls whose time, how perceptions of time change from one context to another. Can you tell us a little more on how you came to focus more on issues of attention in this book?

    Roxanne:  I knew I wanted the next book to emphasize Alex’s ADHD and I also happened upon an interesting researcher, Drew Johnson, who was at a working research group at the university called Good Attention. He and I had some conversations around ADHD, and he introduced me to the RITMO working group – things just serendipitously came together. 

    Oslo became an interesting intellectual space to think about sound and attention. I continued to tinker with my own sound project on climate change and was reading a piece in “The Conversation” about a sound project by an artist/geologist recording the last breath of a melting glacier. I looked him up, and  it turned out that he was at the University of Oslo. 

    I immediately emailed him, and the next thing I knew he was emailing me back to tell me that he was doing a lunch talk in literally half an hour in the building next door to where I was. I don’t know if it’s luck when these things happen or if it’s just really about being in the right mindset with the right preparation and the right intentions. Or maybe it’s just that these were the things I happened to follow and so it all came together.  In that way, Alex’s adventures in Oslo mirrored my own adventures, as I followed my research interests, she found clues. We were often on the same trajectory and path as I explored new subjects and people. And this made the book very different from the first book, or what is shaping up to be the third book in that I was writing as I researched. The other books came years later, after the research.

    Window into Costume design studio, Oslo Opera House Photo: Roxanne Varzi

    Sherine: I like what you say about being in the right mindset and open to the opportunities that present themselves. That must be how you wrote this one so fast!

    Roxanne: Yes, this is the fastest book I’ve ever written, because it’s the first time I’ve put down all of my other projects and concentrated on just this It will be interesting to hear what people think in relation to my other books that took years to write (usually about a decade each!). 

    Sherine: It’s also shorter than the first one. Was this a conscious decision? 

    Roxanne: Yes. For one thing I didn’t feel the pressure to have to introduce readers to anthropology and research methods.

    Sherine: You mean because you already covered that ground in the first one?

    Roxanne. Yes, exactly. Also, I promised my students that it would be shorter. We have shorter attention spans than we once did, and I think also I’ve relaxed into the idea that writing a series means I can leave some for later! And I needed more suitcase space – it’s much more manageable to travel with! But really, it comes with the confidence to not have to put everything I know about sound and attention or Norway in a single book. In any book, there is so much that gets left out – so much more research and so many other points I could have made, but I also have to pace theory and philosophy with story. I can’t throw in more than the plot can handle. 

    Oslo Opera House, Sauna in foreground, photo: Roxanne Varzi

    Sherine: One of my favorite things in this book is your ability to render Norwegian speech in English, with its sing-songy tones, joyful inflections,and other idiosyncrasies. How did your Norwegian colleagues react to finding their speech portrayed in your book? 

    Roxanne: Thank you, I love Norwegian, it’s a beautiful language. Everyone who read their chapter gave me their blessing – no one commented on the language. One person remembered our conversation well and was excited to see so much of it in the book, which was cool as I did not record our meeting.  At the book-reading that you attended, you heard me read aloud part of the book where I slip into the cadences of the language.

    Sherine: Yes, I thought it was hilarious!

    Roxanne: But I don’t do that in the audio book because I don’t want to offend anyone, and it’s a fine line. 

    Sherine: You mean a fine line between portrayal and parody?

    Roxanne: Yes. So I read it as an American narrator, though I tried hard not to butcher the Norwegian words. A friend was kind enough to send me voice memos of words I needed to hear spoken, and then I just tried to mimic him! At one point. I really regretted having rendered in Norwegian the warning not to shoot polar bears. It was a mouthful to record for the audiobook! Listeners can enjoy hearing me muddle my way through that!

    Sherine: Will there be an audio version soon?

    Roxanne: Yes, it was important to me as a dyslexia advocate to have the audio book come out at the same time as the print versions. I don’t want to privilege eye reading over ear reading. 

    Museum of Natural History and Botanical Gardens, University of Oslo,  Photo: Roxanne Varzi

    Sherine: Well, congratulations, Roxanne, on another great work! I really love the idea of a murder mystery series exploring contemporary pursuits in anthropology and pushing the bounds of what counts as academic research and writing. I can’t wait for your next one!

    Roxanne: Thank you Sherine, I always enjoy talking experimentation with you! The third one is set close to home, so who knows what role you may play next! 

    Image: Roxanne Varzi (left) and Sherine Hamdy, photograph by Erica Sutton

  • Héctor Beltrán on his book, Codework

    October 20th, 2025

    https://press.princeton.edu/books/hardcover/9780691245034/code-work?srsltid=AfmBOoqR3xSPmEWlLgW2WQSbpHmIHhAiNmVkPChA7mQ5sTmoaGH_4Ebm

    Ilana Gershon: What insights into coding and Silicon Valley emerge when you begin with  hackers in Mexico?

    Héctor Beltrán: Starting from Mexico reveals how Silicon Valley’s celebrated flexibility is actually quite rigid about who gets to be flexible and where. During my fieldwork, the mainstream narrative was that tech is open, meritocratic, and borderless. But when Mexican hacker-entrepreneurs register their startups as Delaware C Corporations or name their apps in English instead of Spanish just to be taken seriously, they’re not simply “entering the global tech economy.” They’re exposing how that economy is structured around very specific forms of presence and legitimacy. One research participant told me his team realized “if they think we’re a Mexican startup, nobody will pay attention to us.” This isn’t paranoia. It’s pattern recognition.

    What I found most striking was how hackers used coding concepts to analyze these dynamics. They’d talk about their relationships with investors using the language of “loose coupling”—a software design principle where components interact without needing to know each other’s internal workings. For them, loose coupling became a way to maintain autonomy while navigating institutions that simultaneously fetishized and devalued their labor. They were loosely coupled to tech companies, to government programs, to the promises of the Aztec Tiger economy—the promise that Mexico would become a tech powerhouse (like the Asian Tigers of South Korea, Taiwan, and so on).

    But here’s where it gets interesting: loose coupling is celebrated in code design precisely because it creates modularity and replaceability. Mexican hackers recognized they were being positioned as replaceable talent, present when needed, disposable when not. So they turned the metaphor back on the system, using it to think critically about the political economy they were embedded in. This is what I call “code work”: the labor of using coding logics not just to build software, but to analyze and navigate social and political relations.

    Ilana Gershon: I am quite struck by your argument that coding strongly shapes the ways in which hackers understand how to create social change.  Could you talk a little bit about how coding practices around loose coupling and looping shape how Mexican hackers try to create larger political changes?

    Héctor Beltrán: The hacker school in Mexico City offers a perfect example. The founders loved hackathons so much they wanted to “live the hackathon every day”: to extend what’s typically a weekend event into an ongoing way of life. But instead of creating a permanent space, they made their bootcamp nomadic, moving through different locations in twelve-week cycles. Each cycle was a batch of students, and when a batch finished training, they’d work within tech companies or government offices where they were being recruited for their coding skills. If there was no good match—if the organization might compromise the hacker ethic they’d carefully cultivated—the hacker would return to the next batch and try again. They called this “catching an exception.”

    These aren’t just cute metaphors. In programming, exception handling is how you plan for things going wrong. A defensive programmer anticipates failures and writes special cases to handle them. The hacker school was doing exactly this with employment relationships. Instead of responding desperately to job postings, they systematically analyzed workplace dynamics, interviewed workers about retention and nepotism, and treated each placement as an iteration: a loop with a conditional. If conditions weren’t met, loop again.

    This iterative, looping approach to social change differs fundamentally from both revolutionary rupture and liberal incrementalism. It’s more like what performance artist David Morison Portillo does with “border looping” in his collaboration with anthropologist Rihan Yeh, Border Vueltas / Looping Fronterizo—crossing the San Ysidro port of entry repeatedly to expose the system’s rituals and constraints. The repetition isn’t failure; it’s methodology. Each iteration reveals more about how power operates.

    But I want to be clear: this isn’t some techno-utopian fantasy where coding logic solves political problems. Many of my research participants got caught reproducing the same flexibility that exploited them. The code work can be a tool for critique, but it can also reinforce the neoliberal logics that ask young people to endlessly optimize themselves. The question I kept returning to was: when does thinking with the code help you see the system differently, and when does it just make you better at surviving within it?

    Ilana Gershon: Your interlocutors encounter quite a few stigmatizing stereotypes in the course of being entrepreneurs/hackers.  What aspects of coding logic do they use when responding to contexts rift with stereotypes?

    Héctor Beltrán: The concept that came up most was “pivoting,” that Silicon Valley buzzword about rapidly adapting your product to align with the market. But my research participants also pivoted their identities, their language practices, their entire presentation of self. Javo, whose story anchors the final chapter, pivoted his startup from an anti-corruption voting fraud app to a pizza delivery system when that’s what investors wanted to hear. But more revealingly, he pivoted between being recognizably Mexican in some spaces and invisible as Mexican in others.

    At a tech festival in Mexico, he wore the sombrero, waved the flag, performed enthusiastic Mexicanness for the live feedback to Silicon Valley headquarters. But when pitching to US investors, he emphasized his US presence—his San Francisco address, his “perfect English” inherited from his El Paso-born grandmother. He learned exactly when to leverage being “a hungry Mexican who knows the market” and when to render that identity invisible.

    What’s fascinating is that Javo explicitly theorized this. He told me investors had asked whether his entire team was Mexican, implying they’d run things the Mexican way. So he learned to code-switch not just linguistically but ontologically: to pivot his presence across what I call the techno-Borderlands. The term pivot gave him a framework to understand and strategically navigate the racialized politics of tech work.

    But this individual maneuvering has limits. The stereotypes Javo encountered (that Mexicans lack entrepreneurial culture, that they’re backward, that they need their “chip” changed—literally a government slogan: “todos con el mismo chip”) aren’t bugs in the system. They’re features. They justify paying Mexican programmers two to five times less than their US counterparts while celebrating Mexico as a source of raw talent.

    Ilana Gershon: You studied a Latina hackathon, what did you discover about the gendered divisions of labor in computing?

    Héctor Beltrán: The women’s hackathon was advertised as “the first for women by women in Latin America,” focused on designing “intelligent homes.” On the surface, this looks like classic gendered segregation: women designing domestic technologies, reinforcing their association with home and family. And yes, those dynamics were present. But something more interesting happened.

    The organizers strategically used Arduino kits to place participants at a higher level of the computing stack; they could manipulate sensors and data without needing to master lower-level programming. This allowed women with different technical backgrounds to participate as peers. More importantly, it created space for a surprise intervention that’s become readers’ favorite ethnographic moment: the arrival of the abuelitas.

    At the end of the hackathon, grandmothers showed up to cheer for their granddaughters. Their presence completely shifted the event’s meaning. In computing cultures, “grandmother” is typically deployed as the figure of technological incompetence—”make it simple enough for your grandmother to use/understand.” But here, the abuelitas weren’t passive recipients of explanation. Their presence asserted something fundamental: they were the infrastructure that made the hackathon possible. The domestic labor, the childcare, the intergenerational support; this was the actual “bottom layer of the stack” that enabled everything else.

    One participant told me her abuelita “es la que ayuda en todo del día a día. Ella es la que se encarga de todo” (she’s the one that helps with everything in the day to day. She is the one that is in charge of everything). The abuelitas displaced the male tech mentors standing along the walls in their Google shirts—mentors who functioned as both reminders of the gendered hierarchy of expertise and a form of male surveillance over the women’s work. The abuelitas effectively reminded everyone that before you can code, someone has to make it possible for you to sit down and code.

    Ilana Gershon: At the end of your book, you talk about how some of your interlocutors gradually transformed their initial ideas into an imminently fundable startup that could assist activists and NGOs in the global South.  What lessons do you draw from this example?

    Héctor Beltrán: Javo’s trajectory—from politics to pizzas and back to politics—is one of the book’s answers to whether code work can enable meaningful social change. His team’s app, “Pingafy,” used mesh networking to let phones communicate without internet or cellular service. They initially developed it thinking about earthquake response in Mexico City. But the app escaped their control in productive ways. Protesters in Hong Kong, Myanmar, and Ukraine started using it to organize away from government surveillance.

    The surprise was that Javo accomplished this by doing what Silicon Valley ideology claims to value: focusing on the product, staying apolitical, working on the technology itself. He explicitly would say “we don’t support or not support anyone; we are just a tool.” This seemingly depoliticized stance actually enabled a deeply political outcome because he focused on the root layers of the computing stack: the underlying protocols that enable communication, not just the surface-level features.

    There’s an important lesson here about where to aim your intervention. A lot of hackathons produce apps that are really just technological fixes, solutions that avoid addressing systemic issues. Javo’s original anti-corruption app, designed to report voting fraud in Mexico, fell into this trap. But by working on fundamental communication infrastructure, his team created something protesters could appropriate for their own purposes.

    That said, I don’t want to romanticize this as a simple success story. Javo’s team received millions in venture capital because investors saw what they understood as disruptive technology, not because they cared about protesters. The app works for social movements, but it also works within capitalist logics of value extraction. And Javo’s path required forms of privilege (mobility, linguistic capital, elite university connections) that most Mexican hacker-entrepreneurs don’t have.

    The real lesson is about connecting what I call code work to border work. Javo’s transnational experience—shuttling between Mexico and Silicon Valley, navigating shifting markers of race and nation, learning when to perform Mexicanness and when to render it invisible—gave him the analytical tools to understand how different systems operate. He learned to think with the code not just about software architecture, but about political economy, about how structures of innovation repeatedly reassemble into structures of inequality, iteration after iteration.

    That’s what I mean by border-code-workers: people who can connect technical logics with critical consciousness about power. It’s one of the final keywords I offer readers in the book’s glossary, structured like the documentation or manuals programmers would appreciate, another bridge I’m trying to build with this work. The book ends with this provocation: if we want technology to serve liberatory ends, we can’t just teach more people to code. We need to cultivate hackers who understand that the code work can never stand alone. It has to be tightly coupled with the harder work of dismantling the borders (geographic, racial, gendered, economic) that determine whose hacking gets celebrated and whose gets criminalized.

  • Miki Makihara and Juan Luis Rodríguez on their book, Language and Political Subjectivity

    October 13th, 2025

    https://www.berghahnbooks.com/title/MakiharaLanguage

    Tony Webster: I want to say how much I enjoyed reading your book Language and Political Subjectivity: Stancemaking, Power and Politics in Chile and Venezuela. It’s really a wonderful and thoughtful book. I appreciated, especially, the chapter on Mata-U’iroa Atan’s poetry, and given I’d just read Janet McIntosh’s Kill Talk: Language and Military Necropolitics, which also includes a chapter on poetry, it seems, to borrow a title from John Berger, which I think rather appropriate, that “the hour of poetry” has come round at last. But, I’m not going to ask about poetry, not directly anyway.

    Juan, I know how much Jonathan Hill meant to you as a scholar and a mentor, and I see his influence in this book, so I’d like to ask you to say a bit about Jonathan and his influence on you and your work. Miki, not to exclude you, I’d open it up more broadly to you, to ask about intellectual ancestors and their influence on your work as well.

    Juan Luis Rodríguez: Jonathan’s influence is all over this book,  most obviously in our theorization of truth. His work on myth in Amazonia has been hugely influential in South American ethnography, and it has shown me personally the way to tackle the relation between discourse and social reality. Myth for Jonathan was history in the words of Amazonian speakers, not just a surface manifestation of their mental structure. For him, attending to myth was attending to the political and power relationship between Amazonian communities and the colonial forces of nation-states settling around them. There is then a direct relationship between that work on myth in Amazonia and my preoccupations with truth and the settling of national truth both in Venezuela and the contexts in which Venezuelans have been forced to move as diasporic subjects. These are things I learned from Jonathan while hearing him hammer away on the importance of discourse, power and history while walking two steps behind him as we walked around campus not knowing if he was still talking directly to me or to himself.

    Miki Makihara: For me, that attention to truth is essential because it is what connects an individual speaker’s self and beliefs to history. How do people use linguistic forms to move history forward or capture collective attention? This question is central to Joe Errington’s work on Indonesia. Combining that focus on history and common attention is the basis for our emphasis on stancemaking in the book. Micaela di Leonardo sparked my interest in political economy which helped me to ground our semiotic and linguistic theorization of power.

    Both: We should also add that ultimately, what brought us together on this specific project was a deep appreciation for concrete, everyday discourse. This came from our shared engagement with scholars like Joel Sherzer, Bambi Schieffelin, and Elinor Ochs. For Miki, it was also directly shaped by her early study with and work as a research assistant for Niko Besnier on Nukulaelae, Tuvalu. For Juan, it grew out of the countless times Juan interrupted you, Tony, in your office in Carbondale, Illinois. These experiences taught us to ground our biggest theoretical questions in the fine-grained details of how people actually talk.

    Tony Webster: I think one of the more striking and distinctive things about the book is its collaborative nature, so I’d like to ask you to say a bit about that collaborative process. It seems, not just a shared writing project, but a shared research project.

    Juan Luis Rodríguez: That collaborative spirit is something we both learned from our mentors. For me, as a relatively early career linguistic anthropologist, one of the most fortunate things was landing in a department where I found true mentorship. As I’ve learned over time, that isn’t always common. But in my case I found a colleague that took me under her guidance and from whom I truly learned this style of collaborative work.

    Miki Makihara: While I learned fieldwork and solo writing from Niko, it was Bambi Schieffelin who introduced me to the modalities and rewards of deep collaborative writing soon after I arrived in New York. Working with her on the book Consequences of Contact was a marvelous experience. We applied that exact model to this book, literally weaving together every single sentence of the book over the course of many long working sessions. And this collaboration was not just about writing but about truly doing research together and creating a synergetic interaction.

    Tony Webster: There seems currently in linguistic anthropology an attempt to delimit or contain the sweep of language ideologies; you cite Gal and Irvine on this point, and one could add Paul Kroskrity’s recent work on language ideological assemblages, that language ideologies can’t mean everything, and there needs to be some rethinking of the concept. Your intervention here, is to argue for lived beliefs and corporeal consciousness, which aren’t meant to replace language ideologies, but rather to refocus some of the conversation. Have I got this right, or am I misreading your argument?

    Both: That’s an excellent reading of our argument. Language ideologies have been an influential idea in linguistic anthropology in one form or another for almost half a century. We are not trying to replace or delimit the concept of language ideologies, but to zoom in on how they are actually lived and felt, clarifying its relationship to subjectivity, experience, and practice. For us, an ideology isn’t a fixed set of ideas that people download into their minds and take up as awareness. It’s something that has to be built, felt, and transformed through lived experience. We focus on corporeal consciousness because these beliefs aren’t just abstract thoughts; they are felt in the body, often in ways that aren’t fully articulated. That is the lesson we draw from Raymond Williams. It is not that people are aware of experience or not but whether and how experience becomes available to thoughtful and feelingful actors. For example, when the Navajo poet Blackhorse Mitchell told you during fieldwork that he wanted to “give the listener an imagination,” he wasn’t just trying  to convey ideas; he was trying to share an experience. This is a point that Rapa Nui poets also emphasize.

    That is also what our concept of stancemaking gets at. It’s the messy, ongoing process where we use language to become and reshape ourselves and the world. Ideologies are not clear sets of ideas that are already existing but something that has to be made and transformed through experience and action. Ideologies are such semiotic objects embodied in behaviors. Languages are such embodied ideologies. They do not just guide and narrow our perception of the world, nor do they just allow speakers to intentfully do things with words, but more importantly we use them to become and reshape ourselves in society. They are in a constant state of becoming in relation to our positions in the world. This, we believe, is in line with Gal and Irvine’s idea of the partiality of language ideologies, and also Kroskrity’s idea of language ideological assemblages. Ideas such as a Chilean democratic nation-state, a pure Rapa Nui language, or that “we Venezuelans come from the future” are powerful, but they are always partial and always in the making. Our project is to understand how these partial ideas are incorporated,  believed, and made real in the world

    We want to emphasize experience as a process for the making of the individual and subjective world. This experience is felt and becomes intimate to the individual body. It is not just learned to become an object of thinking. Think of the Rapa Nui poet Mata-U’iroa Atan. He does not just list political grievances. He grounds his truth in personal, bodily experience to create an exemplary self for future generations of Rapa Nui speakers. He wants to convey what it feels like to have ancestors.         

    Tony Webster: The book is–while certainly ethnographic–densely theoretical and an attempt to map out a set of theoretical terms to account for diasporic communities and Indigenous communities in their struggles for sense-making. Many of the concepts, stancemaking most obviously, are meant to be portable and usable beyond the particulars of this book. But for me, I think your rethinking of truth is particularly insightful (Chapter 4 especially). But, I’ll leave the question more open-ended, what do you see as the most portable of the concepts you introduce, and why?

    Both: That’s a great question. We put a lot of care into developing concepts that could travel, and three stand out for us. First, as you mentioned, is truth. This is no coincidence as we pointed out in the answer to your first question. We’re concerned with the future of diasporic communities, both indigenous and not indigenous, who are facing larger nation-state formations that threaten their very existence. In places like Chile, the idea of truth has been central to democracy since the end of the dictatorship. The idea that it is possible to agree on truth is also driving political efforts all over the world and is challenged with almost equal intensity everywhere. We try to show how settling on a constructed national truth is a political project. Whose testimony counts? In Chile, the voices of victims of the dictatorship were collected as testimonies and platformed as powerful national symbols. But these testimonies make the individual voice controllable in the name of peaceful coexistence. On the other hand, the voices of Indigenous peoples in their own truth commission were largely substituted with so-called expert knowledge. So, for us, truth isn’t about facts alone; it’s about the political process of fixing belief and the struggles over whose voice and experience are counted as real and recognized. We hope this is a useful lens for analyzing truth claims in other places as well.       

    Politics and power are also two twin terms we rethink in the book. We are inspired by Bakhtin’s centripetal and centrifugal forces of language in culture, which we think of as two co-existing and opposing forms of agency. Power is a cohesive centripetal force. Things like discipline, control, modeling, conventionalization and exemplarity compel and pull people together. We suggest that power is always anticipatory to ways in which this cohesion can be challenged and disrupted. This disruption comes from transgression. Politics is the centrifugal force – the acts of transgression and disruption that challenge social boundaries and the status quo. There is no guarantee of balance between them; authoritarian rule can emerge (as we have witnessed both in Chile and Venezuela but also now here in the U.S.), but so can radical change. This framework allows ethnographers to analyze the constant tension between forces of cohesion and forces of disruption in broad social contexts.

    Finally, the idea of stance-making itself was key. At the beginning, it was puzzling to us. We knew what we wanted to say but were uncertain about what to call it. Stance taking and footing were appealing concepts but the idea of subjects positioning themselves in front of a fixed object was unsatisfactory. Social actors make themselves through these positions but also create others and the objects they pay attention to. We were uncertain what to call a process in which not just the object of attention or the subject emerged, but where relationship and perspective building was also the point. We wanted to emphasize the dialogical and dialectical relationship between self and object (including other selves). This was a meaning making process not just a matter of positioning. There was also no obvious straight named concept neither in Spanish nor Japanese that we could resort to for this, but we knew of breadmaking and as a noun in English, so stancemaking captured the idea for us of a process of worldmaking. Stancemaking produces a subjectivity (understood as a point of view in the world) that has consequences for the world and for others we share it with.    

    Tony Webster: There are number of striking and moving bits of ethnography in this book, and for me, one of the more moving parts of the book, is the discussion about the distinction between intimacy and cherishing of Rapa Nui; first I think many of us who have worked in such situations can appreciate this distinction, but secondly, and this is a testament to Miki’s work, one also sees this distinction unfolding in time. I wonder if you could say something, first about this distinction, and then, secondly, something about the value of long-term ethnographic research.

    Miki Makihara: That distinction is really at the emotional and intellectual core of the book, and it was something I only came to grasp through long-term ethnographic research. It was challenging to express and make sense of the complex nature of what we call language cherishing and its relationship to what scholars such as Sapir, and you, have theorized about feelingful attachment to language. When I first arrived in Rapa Nui, the dominant academic narrative was one of survival and imminent language death. The historical trauma was undeniable – the devastating slave raids, epidemics, European missionization, and Chilean colonization in the 19th century had left deep scars. But the language I encountered didn’t feel like it was disappearing. It felt intensely alive, repeatedly reconstructing itself. On the streets and in homes, I heard this fluid, dynamic, multilingual talk. Rapa Nui sociality was vibrant, open, and creative, spilling over any neat linguistic boundaries the school textbooks and dictionaries suggested. There was profound dissonance between the tragic story of vanishing voices and the resilient, lively community I was living with.

    What I witnessed over thirty years was not a simple loss, but a profound transformation, especially in the community’s relationship with their language. On the one hand, I did see a clear sign of language shift and decline in what we call intimacy — that effortless, everyday, fluency that comes from being immersed in a language from birth. Children were growing up speaking Spanish, and a generational gap was growing. But at the same time, I witnessed the powerful rise of what we call cherishing. This is a more conscious, deliberate, and deeply political act of valuing the language as a sacred symbol of genealogical continuity. I saw this cherishing in so many forms: in the painstaking work of elders such as Nico Haoa, who formed a language restructuration committee and meticulously documented and purified the ancestral language. I saw it in the fierce, tireless advocacy of young teachers such as Viki Haoa and Hiralia Tuki, who battled the ministry of education to allow them to teach the Rapa Nui language in the school. I saw it in children who had spoken mostly Spanish at home growing into young adults, coming back from higher education on the Continent, to become fierce public advocates for Rapa Nui, demanding Rapa Nui be taught at schools. And I saw it with young parents, themselves not so fluent speakers, struggling to reclaim their language (re)learning it anew right alongside their own children.

    These forms of cherishing became somewhat at odds with the liveliness and diversity of multilingual speech as they seem to lead the development of consciousness about language boundaries and policing. This leads to a painful paradox that we saw activists grapple with constantly: people love their language so fiercely that they feel unworthy of speaking it imperfectly. This explains why they demand government support for the language in schools, yet remain puzzled as to why families don’t enforce it at home. Most children learn to respect and love the Rapa Nui language, but they find it incredibly difficult to reclaim that effortless intimacy with it. Understanding this complex emotional landscape—this mix of commitment, joy, and frustration—was only possible by accompanying the community for decades, watching children grow into activists and witnessing their tireless work of cultural reconstruction firsthand.

    Both: Cherishing and intimacy occupy overlapping but distinct places in our theorization of stancemaking. Miki’s experience of Rapa Nui sociality and Juan’s experience of Warao relationship with the Venezuelan state have taught us that a sense of attachment with linguistic form can be something complicated. Intimacy is better understood as a sense of closeness with the linguistic forms that speakers feel as their own and around which a sense of identity and closeness to other speakers can be generated. This sense of closeness and attachment is a product of a process of socialization that can make speakers feel at home in their own language by closing the gap between speakers and the linguistic forms they use. But what happens if respecting and loving one’s language actually produces insecurity and a gap between the speaker and the correct, pure and beloved linguistic form? These are situations in which speakers get to appreciate and name linguistic forms with which they are affectively invested but also have a sense of distance from them. Cherishing then is a form of attachment defined by a certain distance. We feel that the work of closing the dissonance between intimacy and cherishing is central to the challenges we find in the preservation and revitalization of indigenous languages everywhere.

  • Ben Ale-Ebrahim takes the page 99 test

    October 6th, 2025

    My dissertation, Being Both: Negotiating Identity, Surveillance, and Belonging within Queer Middle Eastern and Queer Muslim Communities in the United States, explores how queer Muslims and queer Middle Eastern people in the U.S. navigate overlapping systems of Islamophobia, racialization, and homotransphobia. Based on ethnographic fieldwork in New York City and in digital spaces between 2020 and 2022, I analyze how surveillance and social scrutiny shape how people express identity and belonging across different audiences—family, friends, lovers, and online publics.

    Page 99 captures the fraught intimacy of recognition online. I describe how a simple greeting—“I’m a Muslim too”—on a gay dating app can evoke both connection and fear. For queer Muslim men, such moments are charged with risk: being identified as Muslim might affirm kinship, but it can also expose them to outing, gossip, or familial shame. As one passage reads,

    “Even though the risk may be small that screenshots of their Grindr profile and photos could be seen by family and friends, queer Muslim and Middle Eastern men are highly concerned about proactively managing the consequences if such a data breach were to occur. This anxiety about data insecurity shapes decisions they make about expressing ethnic and religious identity on gay dating apps and often limits their willingness to share personal information with other men who look like them until they know their interlocutor can be trusted.”

    This moment distills a central theme of my project: the tension between visibility and safety. I call this dynamic observational discipline—the anticipatory awareness of being seen and the strategic effort to manage that gaze. Page 99 shows how technological infrastructures of dating and surveillance intersect with cultural and moral frameworks, producing a distinct affective terrain of cautious desire and mediated belonging.

    Across the dissertation, queer Muslim and Middle Eastern participants navigate which versions of themselves can be legible and to whom. Through these micro-practices of watching and withholding, they create new possibilities for being both—queer and Muslim, Middle Eastern and American—within social worlds that often render such coexistence impossible.

    Since completing the dissertation, I have been teaching business communication at Indiana University, where questions of identity, audience, and representation remain central to my work. Returning to page 99 reminds me that every act of communication, however brief, is also a negotiation of risk, recognition, and belonging.

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